140,427 research outputs found
Radioglaciological studies on Hurd Peninsula glaciers, Livingston Island, Antarctica
No full textWe present the results of several radio-echo sounding surveys carried out on Johnsons and Hurd Glaciers, Livingston Island, Antarctica, between the 1999/2000 and 2004/05 austral summer campaigns, which included both radar profiling and common-midpoint measurements with low (20- 25 MHz)- and high (200MHz)-frequency radars. The latter have allowed us to estimate the radio-wave velocity in ice and firn and the corresponding water contents in temperate ice, which vary between 0 and 1.6% depending on the zone. Maximum ice thickness is ~200 m, with a mean value of 93.6 ± 2.5 m. Total ice volume is 0.968 ± 0.026 km3, for an area of 10.34 ± 0.03 km2. The subglacial relief of Johnsons Glacier is quite smooth, while that of Hurd Glacier shows numerous overdeepenings and peaks. The radar records suggest that Hurd Glacier has a polythermal structure, contrary to the usual assumption that glaciers in Livingston Island are temperate. This is also supported by other dynamical and geomorphological evidence
Sensitivity of a distributed temperature-radiation index melt model based on AWS observations and surface energy balance fluxes, Hurd Peninsula glaciers, Livingston Island, Antarctica
No full textWe use an automatic weather station and surface mass balance dataset spanning four melt seasons collected on Hurd Peninsula Glaciers, South Shetland Islands, to investigate the point surface energy balance, to determine the absolute and relative contribution of the various energy fluxes acting on the glacier surface and to estimate the sensitivity of melt to ambient temperature changes. Long-wave incoming radiation is the main energy source for melt, while short-wave radiation is the most important flux controlling the variation of both seasonal and daily mean surface energy balance. Short-wave and long-wave radiation fluxes do, in general, balance each other, resulting in a high correspondence between daily mean net radiation flux and available melt energy flux. We calibrate a distributed melt model driven by air temperature and an expression for the incoming short-wave radiation. The model is calibrated with the data from one of the melt seasons and validated with the data of the three remaining seasons. The model results deviate at most 140 mm w.e. from the corresponding observations using the glaciological method. The model is very sensitive to changes in ambient temperature: a 0.5 ◦ C increase results in 56 % higher melt rates
The Hurd rock glacier: structure and insertion in the debris transfer system of Maritime Antarctica (Livingston Island, South Shetland Islands, Antarctica)
No full textEl glaciar rocoso de Hurd constituye un buen ejemplo del ambiente periglaciar en la Antártida marítima. La realización de seis sondeos eléctricos verticales en el mismo y su entorno inmediato ha permitido caracterizar su estructura interna y la presencia de permafrost a una profundidad de aproximadamente dos metros. El glaciar rocoso forma parte del sistema de derrubios del ámbito de transición entre un medio glaciar y otro periglaciar con permafrost continuo. El estudio detallado del glaciar rocoso y su entorno mediante la cartografía geomorfológica y los sondeos eléctricos ha permitido aproximarnos al conocimiento del sistema de transferencia de derrubios asociado a glaciares rocosos en la Antártida marítima.The Hurd rock glacier is a good example of the periglacial environment in maritime Antarctica. By means of six vertical electric sounding in the rock glacier and sourounding, its internal structure and the presence of permafrost at about 2 m depth have been pointed out. The rock glacier is an element of the debris morphodynamic system in the transition from a glacial environment to the periglacial one with continuous permafrost. The detailled study of the rock glacier and his sourounding from geomorphological map and electric sounding has let to know the debris transfer system linked to the rock glacier on maritime Antarctica.Ministerio de Educación y Cultura (España)Depto. de Geodinámica, Estratigrafía y PaleontologíaFac. de Ciencias GeológicasTRUEpu
Nathaniel Hurd
No full textPostal que reproduce una pintura del año 1765 de John Singleton Copley. Representa a un destacado orfebre y grabador de Boston. La cálida mirada y la sonrisa no forzada sugieren la amistad entre los dos artistas. La camisa de cuello abierto de Hurd, así como el turbante de inclinación rakishly que cubre su cabeza afeitada, en lugar de una peluca ceremonial en polvo, crean un aire de informalidad que es inusual para un retrato de esta época. http://www.clevelandart.org/art/1915.534?collection_search_query=John+Singleton+Copley&op=search&form_build_id=form-HmIKR-lLZdXjHT1cVxNPuk9BYggF8r1nHJWkcH4ofvM&form_id=clevelandart_collection_search_formAl reverso de la postal aparece el siguiente texto: The Cleveland Museum of Ar
Sistemas filonianos multifractales en la Península Hurd, Isla Livingston, Antártida Occidental
No full textAnalysis of vein systems has been carried out in eleven traverses along the coastal area on Hurd Peninsula, Livingston Island (South Shetland Islands, Western Antarctica), to characterise vein geometry using fractal and multifractal analysis techniques. Vein thicknesses generally conform to a power law distribution of the form N(k C t D, where Nt is the number of veins with a thickness > t. This may be interpreted in terms of scale-invariant (self-affine fractal scaling of vein geometry) which has been verified to several orders of magnitude. Multifractal analysis of vein networks has been applied using the capacity dimension (D J, the information dimension (Dt) and the correlation dimension (D ,) to measure the heterogeneity, dimensionality and connectivity of the fracture systems.Comisión Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología (España)Depto. de Geodinámica, Estratigrafía y PaleontologíaFac. de Ciencias GeológicasTRUEpu
"We Came Here for Work": Recollections of Globalisation and Changes to Work in a New Zealand Single Industry Town
No full textGlobalisation is a term widely associated with intensification in the mobilisation of goods, services, capital and people by scholars focussed on organisational research. Kelsey (1997) and Stiglitz (2003) are among those scholars who hold that this intensification has been enabled by processes of change in the political economy. They focus on the impact of, the implementation of a neo-liberal agenda driven by policy makers in international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In the view of these institutions, responsible global development, governance, and management, and markets are deemed the most salient mechanism for wealth creation and distribution. Market driven growth in economic outputs are purported to deliver wider human emancipation. The functions of the state are to be circumscribed accordingly. This agenda has been amplified through political, social, and economic directives which, according to Boltanski (2011, p.15) has however “not brought about a withering away of the state but its transformation [based] on the model of the firm, to adjust itself to the new forms of capitalism. This observation brings about a focus on corporate ways of thinking as central to understanding the changing modes of organisation in all spheres of life.”
Kelliher and Anderson (2010) purport that changes in the workplace, particularly through the adoption of flexible forms of work and flexible organisational structures have supported, and been supported by the adoption of a neo-liberal agenda. The argument underpinning both the neo-liberal political agenda and the attraction of greater flexibility in work practices is centred on notions of increased freedom and choice for all. Both imply the end purpose and intention of their policy directives are increased social well-being to be achieved through the lexicon of universal freedom the neo-liberals harness to their agenda. However, not all researchers and analysts are convinced that the outcomes associated with Globalisation are consistent with emancipatory rhetoric of neo-liberal proponents. Critics such as Kaplinsky (2005) and Pikkety (2014) draw attention to growing income inequality under the prevailing economic directives referred to interchangeably as Globalisation, global development, or economic growth deemed necessary to this purported emancipatory agenda. Pikkety (2014) tracks the wealth of the top earners over the past 250 years. He concludes that wealth inequalities are not self-correcting as pro-market advocates proclaim. Social and political unrest generated by the seemingly intractable and growing gap between rich and poor is intensifying.
In their examinations of the changes in work place practice under the conditions of neo-liberalism, Bender and Saturn (2009) and McKee-Ryan, Virick, Prussia, Harvey and Lilly (2009) look to increases in under, over and unemployment as a counter-point to the neo-liberal point of view. Through their focus, multiple forms of unequal power and control are seen at the societal, workplace and individual level that appear to facilitate consent and compliance to Globalisation and changes to work. Yet multiple forms of resistance are also noted. Collective protests such as the mass demonstrations at Seattle in 2000 (Goodman, 2000), Genoa in 2001 ("Genoa Under Siege," 2001) and the London Riots of 2011 demonstrate acts of resistance at the level of the individual that are described in the work of Fleming and Sewell (2002) and Gabriel (2008). Structural critical analysts focus their attention on the control/resistance dialectic endemic in capitalist practices, and remind us of the multiple layers of both control and resistance enacted across the spectrum of capitalist dynamics from the values driving macro policies directing the behaviours of investors, government policy makers, corporate directors, employees and managers to the micro activities of individuals. In this work, I use a lens of identity framed around the work of Bauman (2004) and Gabriel (2008) to explore these multiple forms of control and resistance, and to illuminate the diverse lived experiences of Globalisation. My research is focused around how i) the politics and practices of Globalisation and changes to work manifests in individuals lived experiences, and how ii) consent, compliance, assimilation and resistance to the politics and practices of Globalisation and changes to work are expressed as identity at the individual and collective level. I explore these two themes through an overarching orientation to Critical Theory focusing on the methodological approaches of Alvesson & Deetz (2000) and Boje (2007, 2008; Boje & Rosile, 2008; Boje & Tyler, 2009).
In this research I have turned my attention to the escalation of the neo-liberal agenda as it was given radical, rapid and widespread effect in New Zealand from the 1980s. I do so through an enquiry into localised processes of the work-related changes as they were explored with my research participants. The location of my field work is in the Single Industry Town of Tokoroa, New Zealand - a town originally founded around the local forestry and pulp and paper industry. I draw on secondary material to present a brief historic overview of the case of Tokoroa. It is one of very few examples of a ‘company town’ founded on company land, originally populated almost exclusively with individuals brought into the town to work at the Mill or on its construction. I follow major demographic trends in the town from its boom time to its decline associated with widespread workforce reduction. My fieldwork involved 32 participants and resulted in 62 hours of recorded interviews. Insights from my fieldwork are structured into two distinct sections. First, I present the secondary research, illustrating how the processes and practices of Globalisation manifest in the New Zealand context. In these chapters, I argue that New Zealand was a first mover in adopting changes in the politico-economic sphere, moving from Keynesian macro-management to neo-liberal structural adjustment in the 1990s. By the mid 1990s, growing negative aspects of the situation of many New Zealanders came to be attributed to this mode of economic dominance (see for example Kelsey, 1999) and a Third Way political agenda was brought into action. While the NZ Labour Party recanted much of their part in the leadership of these changes, and in 2009 Prime Minister Helen Clark provided an explicit apology to New Zealanders for the misguidance of her government of this era, the overall effect is that New Zealand has remained deeply embedded and committed to the form of Globalisation that was established at the time of my fieldwork. The specific historic context of New Zealand’s engagement with, and at time leadership of neo-liberal agendas has resulted in a specific set of publicly espoused ‘identities’ which have been facilitated by and in turn facilitate these transitions over several decades.
The second section of my report focuses on the primary research drawn from the stories told by participants in this research. The experiences reported by my participants of the period leading up to and on-going during the time of my fieldwork highlight the prevalence of multiple forms of control and resistance, manifested as moments of identification and disidentification of that era. The stories told by participants of their life in Tokoroa during the period 1950-2013 illustrates the observations of Zizek (2000) that whilst a critical structural analysis provides insights into the power relations of global neo-liberalism, the lived experiences of the individual are significantly more complex. Some of the research participants for example, demonstrated an acute awareness of the processes of neo-liberal hegemony, albeit not expressed in academic terms. For others, the day-to-day need to live within their individual contexts, to support their families, remains their upmost priority. Those individuals do not appear to me as assimilated or domesticated. They are not actively consenting. They are aware of the corporate exacerbation of inequality and inequity in their community but their priorities lie not in political dissention, nor in the furthering of the corporate will, but rather in maintaining their immediate familial and community relations.
From the stories told, some participants might be depicted as one dimensional compliant, consenting or assimilated individuals. These depictions endorse the views of those analysts concerned with the kinds of marginalisation, alienation and exploitation associated with capitalism as typified by critical organisational scholars such as Sewell and Wilkinson (1992) and Banerjee, Carter and Clegg (2009). There were many participants who told stories that indicated active resistance to the dominant narrative of neo-liberalism of this era. They were well aware of a global corporate agenda and demonstrated their resistance through overt actions and through micro acts of identification and disidentification. They too however, cannot depicted in one dimensional ways. The overarching narratives regarding Globalisation and changes to work generated from neo-liberal proponents and critical scholars alike, where this is achieved through a predominantly structural analysis, do not provide a satisfactory explanation of the experience of the dynamics of Globalisation. Such grand narrating on both parts masks a multitude of complex individual experiences. The uptake of these overarching structural narratives in scholarship and policy seem to provide a deflection from more nuanced analysis and thus avert attention from forms of action that might be amplified in aspirations for systemic transformation. Such forms of resistance may provide protection from a complete uptake of the neoliberal agenda – or through its tolerance – endorse its claim to freedom of choice. For critical scholars, this seeming paradox provides more scope for emancipatory engagement. Regardless of this meta-analysis, my research would suggest that far from producing a universal group of docile functionaries domesticated to act in the interests of the global elite, the basic human need for social relations, connections to culture, family and community, remain important
From print to electronic: the transformation to scientific communication, de Susan Y. Crawford, Julie M. Hurd e Ann C. Weller
No full textCRAWFORD, Susan Y.; HURD, Julie M.; WELLER, Ann C. From print to electronic: the transformation to scientific communication. Medford, NJ : Information Today, 1996. 117 p.
Supplemental Material - “I Want to Grow Older With Dignity”: Older LGBTQ+ Canadian Adults’ Perceptions and Experiences of Aging
No full textSupplemental Material for “I Want to Grow Older With Dignity”: Older LGBTQ+ Canadian Adults’ Perceptions and Experiences of Aging by Laura Hurd and Lynda Y. K. Li in Journal of Applied Gerontology</p
Adolescent cannabis exposure alters opiate reward and opioid limbic neuronal populations in adult rats
No full textThe origin of the ice-free areas of the Hurd Peninsula (Livingston Island, Antarctica)
No full textInternational audienceSpatio-temporal patterns of glacial retreat determine the intensity of geomorphological, hydrological, and ecological processes in the ice-free areas of the Antarctic Peninsula region. The chronology of glacial oscillations in the region following the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) is still poorly constrained and mostly limited to data from a few sites adjacent to research stations. The Hurd Peninsula, located on Livingston Island (South Shetland Islands), is mainly covered by the Hurd Peninsula Ice Cap (HPIC); there is a ca. 20 km2 ice-free area downvalley of the ice cap in the peninsula's southern sector in addition to numerous nunataks that protrude above the HPIC. In this study, we present an approach combining two direct surface exposure dating methods, cosmic-ray exposure (CRE) dating and lichenometry, to reconstruct the spatio-temporal patterns of glacial thinning and ice cap retreat on the Hurd Peninsula. To understand the patterns of deglaciation on the peninsula, 26 samples for CRE dating (in situ cosmogenic 10Be) were taken from glacially polished surfaces and moraine boulders along a transect from the nunatak summits to the coast. On the most recent moraines, boulder stabilisation (i.e., indicative of glacier withdrawal) was dated through the longest axis of the 10 largest thalli of the lichen species Rhizocarpon geographicum. Ice thinning might have begun before the LGM at ca. 31.6 ka, when the highest areas close to the coast became exposed, and subsequently accelerated during the LGM at 20-18 ka. The upper surfaces were completely deglaciated between 16 and 14 ka. The HPIC was relatively stable until the mid-Holocene, when neoglacial advances of its outlet glaciers built moraines at ca. 4.5 ka. Subsequently, late Holocene polygenic moraines formed before the development of the external ridges of the most recent moraine system left by the HPIC outlets during the Little Ice Age, at 0.3 ka. The internal moraines correspond to glacial advances from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, as indicated by lichenometric dating. This work presents a comprehensive chronology of glacial oscillations on the Hurd Peninsula, enhancing our understanding of deglaciation patterns and offering insights into glacier dynamics due to climate variability and change
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