155 research outputs found

    Assessing the impact of the EMPA’s parliamentary diplomacy in International conflicts : contribution or obstacle?

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    This chapter is an updated version of Stelios Stavridis and Roderick Pace, «The EMPA and parliamentary diplomacy in the Mediterranean: a preliminary assessment», in Stelios Stavridis, Natividad Fernandez Sola (eds.), Factores politicos y de segundad en el area euromediterranea, Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, Zaragoza, 2009, pp. 125-148. An earlier draft was also presented as a paper entitled, Una evaluaci6n de la diplomacia parlamentana de la APEM en los conflictos internacionales del Mediterraneo, to the JORNADA de la Cittedra Jean Monnet del Profesor Garz6n Clariana: Asamblea Euromediterranea en el marco de la Presidencia Espanola (Barcelona, 16 April 2010).This chapter analyzes Euro-Mediterranean relations from the perspective of their parliamentary angle, and in particular from the role that the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly plays in the numerous international conflicts that exist in the region. The chapter's main objective is to present an assessment by concentrating on three such examples: the Middle East, Cyprus and the Western Sahara. The conclusion is that so far there has been to a large extent an unproductive near-obsession with the Palestinian issue, whereas on the contrary, there is no interest whatsoever in the other two conflicts. The reasons for this are many but the main one can be summarized as follows: the external effects of the latter two conflicts can more or less be contained. Those of the Middle East cannot. It is argued that such a poor record is not only due to the intrinsic difficulties of the conflicts involved, but also reflects badly on the real and potential role that parliamentary diplomacy can and should play in conflict resolution.peer-reviewe

    Introduction

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    Interest in the role of International Parliamentary Institutions (IPIs) remains extremely limited, especially if one considers their growth in the international relations of a globalizing-cum-regionalizing world. Indeed, much work has been published on the new world order that is slowly — and painfully — emerging since the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Empire in the seminal years of 1989–1991. In brief, there is a parliamentarization of regionalization and globalization that deserves the attention of the academic world

    Conclusions

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    This book has no pretention to propose a new typology of International Parliamentary Institutions (IPIs). As we have seen in the introduction, many authors have elaborated such typologies. They are very interesting and a useful tool for analysis, but every exercise of classification has its own limitations: it implies choices that highlight some aspects of the cases under study (name, structure, membership, competences etc.), and necessarily hide others. We also consider that the phenomenon of IPI is still too new and evolutionary to propose a definitive classification. In that respect, it is interesting to note that academic research has an impact on institutional practices: it has already contributed to clarifying a bit the landscape of IPIs, and will continue to do so, since actors of IPIs are curious about other experiences in the field of parliamentary integration and about academic work on that question

    The Slavic Homer: From Grigorios Stavridis to Grigor Prličev

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    In 1860 Stavridis/Prličev’s poem Armatol unexpectedly won him the University of Athens poetry competition, which met with opposition from part of the Greek community and a smear campaign in the press. Despite his declarations of having a “Hellenic heart”, the author from Ohrid was not well received by Athenian society. He took part in the competition once more two years later, this time trying to match Homer himself and presenting an extensive though unfinished epic poem with Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg as the protagonist. The paper, which serves as an introduction to the Polish translation of Skanderbeg, contains extensive excerpts from the reports of both competition committees, chaired by Alexandros Rangavis, especially the second one, when the judges justified why they could not award Stavridis the prize despite being impressed with his poem. His disappointment at his cool reception and his failure in the competition most likely contributed to a radical change in the attitude of the Slavic Homer, who not only stopped “serving Greece” but began vigorously eliminating any Greek influences in his native Ohrid

    “Emerging Powers” as obstacles to “Effective Multilateralism”: The negative impact of Brazil´s Foreign Policy on the Rhetoric of “Civilian Power Europe”

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    La emergencia de Brasil como actor internacional importante no cabe más duda. En un nuevo orden mundial basado sobre multilateralismo efectivo, la colaboración entre estados y otros entes democráticos de “ideas afinaes” es una condición necesaria aunque no suficiente. Este artículo presenta un análisis critico del impacto de la política exterior de Brasil bajo las presidencias de Lula y Rousseff sobre la retórica de la” potencia civil europea”. El artículo ilustra esto con ejemplos concretos. El interés más general es que presenta también una ilustración de lo complicado que es crear un nuevo orden internacional multilateralista

    The role of parliamentary bodies, sub-state regions, and cities in the democratization of the Southern Mediterranean rim

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    The European Union (EU) is an international actor (Stavridis and Fernandez Sola 2011) having a long-standing relationship with the Southern Mediterranean countries that may be traced back to the 1950s, when Algeria was still part of France. Over the years, the EEC (European Economic Community) has gradually strengthened its links with the Southern riparian states. After developing into the EU, it began a new process of (inter-) regional links by setting up the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP; also known as ´Barcelona Process´) in 1995. In 2008, this process was further transformed into the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM. Those institutionalized relations fall within a wider context where other sets of intermeshing connections and networks exist, be they bilateral or multilateral, including or not an EU dimension (for a review, see Sabic and Bojinovic 2007). The purpose of this study is to offer a descriptive analysis of two important dimensions of already existing institutionalized relations: its parliamentary dimension on the one hand, its decentralized (also referred to as territorialized) dimension on the other. Even if changes are almost inevitably made in the way the current UfM structure works due to the unavoidable impact of the Arab Revolutions, there is no need for new institutional frameworks to be set up. Our argument is that those welcome changes will hopefully make the existing structures work better … at long last.This project has been funded with support from the European Commission.peer-reviewe
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