22 research outputs found
Evaluasi Program Menggunakan Model Participant-Oriented Approach (Fitzpatrick, Sanders, Worthen)
No full textThis literature study design presents scientific ideas regarding the Participant-oriented approach (Fitzpatrick, Sanders, Worden) evaluation model using different case study assignments. The participant oriented approach (Fitzpatrick, Sanders, Worthy is the focus of the author in making scientific articles using a literature study design through research journals that are related to the topic of the article. The author uses three different case studies as comparisons and as information for readers regarding the participant oriented approach by fitzpatrick, sanders, worthen. the three cases include the training program evaluation model, the bloom's mastery learning model outside formal education hours, on weekdays, and on weekends, and the field-based training model program for mental health workers , community workers, psychosocial workers and counselors
Interfacial force measurements using atomic force microscopy
No full textAtomic Force Microscopy (AFM) can not only image the topography of surfaces at atomic resolution, but can also measure accurately the different interaction forces, like repulsive, adhesive and lateral existing between an AFM tip and the sample surface. Based on AFM, various extended techniques have been developed such as colloidal probe AFM, single molecule AFM, bio-AFM, Kalvin probe AFM and lateral force AFM (LFM). Together,these make AFM a powerful tool to study the properties of surfaces and interfaces, which is of great importance for many different disciplines, e.g. surface chemistry, polymerchemistry and physics, solid-state physics, cell biology and medicine.OLD ChemE/Organic Materials and Interface
Claim Denied - Access Denied: The Black Wall Street Insurance Grift
No full textThe subject of Corporate Reparations has gained noteworthy momentum in recent years. The murder of George Floyd at the hands of former police officer Derek Chauvin in 2020 galvanized major United States corporate leadership into thinking about and committing to playing a sizeable role in ending systemic racism and bringing economic equality and social justice to the nation.Doug McMillon, Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Fortune #1 company Walmart, Inc. expressed as much when he stated in the wake of the George Floyd summer of protests: What I’ve come to realize is that it wasn’t just the physical weight of the officer that killed George Floyd. The forces at work were much greater. Behind the weight of the man was the weight of society — the weight of institutions and structures in which systemic inequity and injustice are engrained. The weight that killed George Floyd also was the weight of history — 400 years of discrimination against Blacks in this country. Together, these forces conspired to crush him. That weight needs to be lifted. . . . It will take broad cooperation of leaders from every sector of society working together to create a force sufficient enough to bring about the necessary change. So that’s what we’re doing. True to his word, CEO McMillon and Walmart created shared value networks and racial equity divisions within its employee ranks, while committing 1.38 million to theCenter for Racial Justice and Criminal Justice Reform at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock William H. Bowen School of Law. . . . CEO McMillon is not alone. Hundreds of corporate executives made powerful statements and massive financial commitments to equality and justice in the wake of the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Rayshard Brooks in the summer of 2020, including CEO Jamie Dimon at J.P. Morgan Chase. Dimon, after committing Chase to investing $30 billion combatting racial inequities primarily in Black and Latinx communities, stated:“Systemic racism is a tragic part of America’s history. . . . We can do more and do better to break down systems that have propagated racism and widespread economic inequality, especially for Black and Latinx people. It’s long past time that society addresses racial inequities in a more tangible, meaningful way.”Of these hundreds of corporate leaders that made similar statements and financial commitments, many began immediately executing on those promises. Today, it remains unsettled whether these corporate commitments will continue to be honored and executed, particularly in the “woke” backlash era that has emerged in the wake of the George Floyd summer that led to so many pledges of support for social justice. The results and outcomes of the formidable corporate commitments have been mixed thus far. Many of the companies that made enormous dollar commitments in 2020, did so in a way that benefits the committing firm directly in profit potential as much as it benefits the damaged communities. Further, many corporations have been wary to invest directly in Black Lives Matter and in organizations committed to reforming policing or criminal legal system reform.Critics agree that 400 years of corporate discrimination cannot be overcome and reversed with pledges, commitments, and wary contributions. Still, the corporate commitments made in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder remain a watershed moment in U.S. history. In an environment where corporate leadership is recognizing that U.S. corporations have a role to play in ending systemic racism and in some instances are even acknowledging the roles that their corporations have played in perpetuating inequality, discrimination, and racial wealth gaps, will Corporate Reparations take root in meaningful and healing ways?In deliberating on the potential for powerful change, one is confronted with the conundrum of what can be done about corporations and economic sectors that have historically engaged in blatant racial discrimination and to this day continue to ignore calls to repair the historical damage that these companies have done to communities of color, and particularly black communities. This article examines and evaluates one of the primary corporate sectors that engaged in disabling historical discrimination that visited severe harm on communities of color, and in particular the black community—namely the insurance industry.Using the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre as a backdrop, we seek to provide a clarion call to insurance companies, many that continue in existence today, to own up to and begin to repair the debilitating harm that they perpetuated more than 100 years ago. Much has been written in recent years on the racially motivated atrocities and massacres of the early 19th century. However, save for those scholars viewing the events, in part or in whole, through the critical lens of racial capitalism in its myriad academic forms, less attention has been paid to the industries and businesses who directly or indirectly benefitted from the atrocities specifically, and white supremacy and government-back oppression broadly. Fortunately, through the work of activists, survivors, and archivists, this is less true of the 1921 Tulsa massacre, and it is to that atrocity that we return our attention here.In an effort to better understand the intertwining and commingled relationship between the U.S. state and the insurance industry, from the colonial period to Tulsa to the present, we hope to continue a conversation within and among the legal profession about the often-blurred line between legal, “constitutional” political institutions and the corporations and industries they charter and, ostensibly, leave relatively free to participate in commerce as they please but often prop up, take lead from, and even unintentionally wind up benefitting all at the expense of the population the political institutions are intended to govern of, by, and for.By first sketching a brief history of insurance in the United States, from its British maritime origins through the early standardization of fire insurance rates in the late 19th century, we will better understand the historical role of insurance in the United States, despite the industry so often remaining behind the scenes. We can then turn to Tulsa specifically and learn more about the insurance policies taken out by businesses and individuals on Black Wall Street in the early 20th century, what they expected to be covered by those policies, and why all claims made against those policies following the Tulsa Race Massacre have so far been denied.After then examining the scale of the destruction at the time and its lingering aftermath, we will tune our ears to the echoes of insurance and injustice which continue to ring today. Following examination of such echoes, the question is begged, whether the insurance industry will take stock and decide to affirmatively repair the historical atrocities the industry has visited upon black Americans
Claim Denied - Access Denied: The Black Wall Street Insurance Grift
No full textThe subject of Corporate Reparations has gained noteworthy momentum in recent years. The murder of George Floyd at the hands of former police officer Derek Chauvin in 2020 galvanized major United States corporate leadership into thinking about and committing to playing a sizeable role in ending systemic racism and bringing economic equality and social justice to the nation.Doug McMillon, Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Fortune #1 company Walmart, Inc. expressed as much when he stated in the wake of the George Floyd summer of protests: What I’ve come to realize is that it wasn’t just the physical weight of the officer that killed George Floyd. The forces at work were much greater. Behind the weight of the man was the weight of society — the weight of institutions and structures in which systemic inequity and injustice are engrained. The weight that killed George Floyd also was the weight of history — 400 years of discrimination against Blacks in this country. Together, these forces conspired to crush him. That weight needs to be lifted. . . . It will take broad cooperation of leaders from every sector of society working together to create a force sufficient enough to bring about the necessary change. So that’s what we’re doing. True to his word, CEO McMillon and Walmart created shared value networks and racial equity divisions within its employee ranks, while committing 1.38 million to theCenter for Racial Justice and Criminal Justice Reform at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock William H. Bowen School of Law. . . . CEO McMillon is not alone. Hundreds of corporate executives made powerful statements and massive financial commitments to equality and justice in the wake of the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Rayshard Brooks in the summer of 2020, including CEO Jamie Dimon at J.P. Morgan Chase. Dimon, after committing Chase to investing $30 billion combatting racial inequities primarily in Black and Latinx communities, stated:“Systemic racism is a tragic part of America’s history. . . . We can do more and do better to break down systems that have propagated racism and widespread economic inequality, especially for Black and Latinx people. It’s long past time that society addresses racial inequities in a more tangible, meaningful way.”Of these hundreds of corporate leaders that made similar statements and financial commitments, many began immediately executing on those promises. Today, it remains unsettled whether these corporate commitments will continue to be honored and executed, particularly in the “woke” backlash era that has emerged in the wake of the George Floyd summer that led to so many pledges of support for social justice. The results and outcomes of the formidable corporate commitments have been mixed thus far. Many of the companies that made enormous dollar commitments in 2020, did so in a way that benefits the committing firm directly in profit potential as much as it benefits the damaged communities. Further, many corporations have been wary to invest directly in Black Lives Matter and in organizations committed to reforming policing or criminal legal system reform.Critics agree that 400 years of corporate discrimination cannot be overcome and reversed with pledges, commitments, and wary contributions. Still, the corporate commitments made in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder remain a watershed moment in U.S. history. In an environment where corporate leadership is recognizing that U.S. corporations have a role to play in ending systemic racism and in some instances are even acknowledging the roles that their corporations have played in perpetuating inequality, discrimination, and racial wealth gaps, will Corporate Reparations take root in meaningful and healing ways?In deliberating on the potential for powerful change, one is confronted with the conundrum of what can be done about corporations and economic sectors that have historically engaged in blatant racial discrimination and to this day continue to ignore calls to repair the historical damage that these companies have done to communities of color, and particularly black communities. This article examines and evaluates one of the primary corporate sectors that engaged in disabling historical discrimination that visited severe harm on communities of color, and in particular the black community—namely the insurance industry.Using the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre as a backdrop, we seek to provide a clarion call to insurance companies, many that continue in existence today, to own up to and begin to repair the debilitating harm that they perpetuated more than 100 years ago. Much has been written in recent years on the racially motivated atrocities and massacres of the early 19th century. However, save for those scholars viewing the events, in part or in whole, through the critical lens of racial capitalism in its myriad academic forms, less attention has been paid to the industries and businesses who directly or indirectly benefitted from the atrocities specifically, and white supremacy and government-back oppression broadly. Fortunately, through the work of activists, survivors, and archivists, this is less true of the 1921 Tulsa massacre, and it is to that atrocity that we return our attention here.In an effort to better understand the intertwining and commingled relationship between the U.S. state and the insurance industry, from the colonial period to Tulsa to the present, we hope to continue a conversation within and among the legal profession about the often-blurred line between legal, “constitutional” political institutions and the corporations and industries they charter and, ostensibly, leave relatively free to participate in commerce as they please but often prop up, take lead from, and even unintentionally wind up benefitting all at the expense of the population the political institutions are intended to govern of, by, and for.By first sketching a brief history of insurance in the United States, from its British maritime origins through the early standardization of fire insurance rates in the late 19th century, we will better understand the historical role of insurance in the United States, despite the industry so often remaining behind the scenes. We can then turn to Tulsa specifically and learn more about the insurance policies taken out by businesses and individuals on Black Wall Street in the early 20th century, what they expected to be covered by those policies, and why all claims made against those policies following the Tulsa Race Massacre have so far been denied.After then examining the scale of the destruction at the time and its lingering aftermath, we will tune our ears to the echoes of insurance and injustice which continue to ring today. Following examination of such echoes, the question is begged, whether the insurance industry will take stock and decide to affirmatively repair the historical atrocities the industry has visited upon black Americans
Targeting assistance to the poor using household survey data
No full textIt is important that limited government resources be channeled to the poor, but it is not always easy to identify the poor. Which households should be given tranfers when reliable information on incomes is difficult to obtain? The authors of this paper present a simple method for targeting when income is not observable but other characteristics that are correlated with income can be observed. Using survey data taken from Cote d'Ivoire, they predict incomes based on observable characteristics and distribute transfers on the basis of those predictions. It appears that significant reductions in poverty can be achieved using this method.Environmental Economics&Policies,Rural Poverty Reduction,Services&Transfers to Poor,Safety Nets and Transfers,Poverty Assessment
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Racial Capitalism and Race Massacres: Tulsa\u27s Black Wall Street and Elaine\u27s Sharecroppers
No full textRacial Capitalism and Race Massacres: Tulsa\u27s Black Wall Street and Elaine\u27s Sharecroppers
No full textUnited States history is marked and checkered with grievous race massacres dating back to the end of slavery. These race “riots,” as they are benignly referred to in some quarters, occurred infamously in Tulsa, Elaine, Rosewood, Chicago, Detroit, and so many other lesser remembered cities. The starkest period of race massacres in the United States, including each of those just mentioned, occurred in the early 1900s, between 1919 and 1923 when Black Americans, newly empowered by service in a world war and having gained available land grants in territories where indigenous peoples were forced to abandon, began finding economic and political footholds. When in 1919 and 1921, African American citizens were becoming successful and independent economically, race massacres annihilated these fledgling successes. At a time when economic independence was becoming a light at the end of a long, dark tunnel for Black Americans, white supremacy and racial capitalism worked to ensure that this light and hope was quashed. This quashing of early African American economic success, particularly on Tulsa’s Black Wall Street and in the fields of Elaine, Arkansas, sent shock-waves of oppression that still reverberate today. This article will examine the role of racial capitalism in the race massacres of Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1921 and Elaine, Arkansas in 1919.
This piece begins with an introduction to racial capitalism. Next, it describes the race massacres in the Greenwood District of Tulsa and the evisceration of Black Wall Street before examining the race massacre in Elaine and the destruction of the lives and fortunes of Black sharecroppers there. Thereafter, the article describes the role that racial capitalism and the economic exploitation of Black Americans played in carrying out that massive destruction of Black human capital. Finally, the article describes how the echoes of these race massacres continues to sound today in a white supremacist refrain that is quintessentially the song that accompanies the founding and growth of the American economy
THE VIBRATIONAL FREQUENCIES OF HALOSIL YLENES HSiX (X = F, Cl, Br)
No full textAuthor Institution: Department of Chemistry, The University of KentuckyThere are a number of ambiguities and curiosities found in the published Si-H stretching vibrational frequencies of the ground states, , and first excited singlet states, , of the halosilylenes HSiF, HSiCl, and HSiBr. Here we have investigated these molecules using self-consistent field. SCF, configuration interaction including all single and double excitations, CISD, and triple excitations, CISDT, and complete active space, CAS-SCF, quantum mechanical methods. For the ground and first excited triplet states, all these methods give similar results, but for the excited singlet states, only the CASSCF results are believable
Irrigation water use tracking system
No full textPresented during the Third international conference on irrigation and drainage held March 30 - April 2, 2005 in San Diego, California. The theme of the conference was "Water district management and governance."Across the 13 irrigation districts in the province of Alberta, there is no direct volumetric financial charge attached to water diversions and consumption. Individual water users pay specific and fixed annual rates per unit of irrigation area defined within their respective assessment rolls, regardless of the actual volume of usage. However, as water is becoming a more stressed resource, with increasing competition for limited supplies by a diversity of users, and with greater public call for more accountability on the part of water users, it is becoming increasingly understood that some form of volumetric accountability is warranted. As virtually none of the 10,000-plus water delivery turnouts have any metering facilities whatsoever, it has been necessary to develop some alternative form of water use tracking to compile reasonable records of individual diversions. Even though these volumes of diversion are not currently tied to water use charges, many of the districts have implemented limits on deliveries to individual land parcels. A Water Use Module (WUM) software package has been developed that tracks water use based on the duration of water deliveries to each irrigation system in each field and the respective capacity of each of those systems. This package has recently been up-dated to take advantage of opportunities to interface with the Internet for more real-time, more accurate and more comprehensive irrigation information reporting.Sponsored by USCID; co-sponsored by Association of California Water Agencies and International Network for Participatory Irrigation Management
Keluarga dan Pendidikan Karakter: Menggali Implikasi Nilai-nilai Hausetafel dalam Efesus 6:1-9
No full textThe moral crisis in Christian families due to globalization has resulted in the loss of the function of the Christian family in society. This results in the shift in family values to be replaced by individualist, consumerist, and hedonistic values. This article describes the concept of family (hausetafel) in the letters of Ephesians and Colossians. The author uses a historical socio interpretation, to search for and find the meaning of the two epistles. The results of the interpretation show that the two epistles are very rich related to family and moral values (character). The meaning cannot be separated from its socio-historical and cultural context. Some of the values contained include the revelation of Christ in and through the family, love as the basis for binding family members, the family as a basis for character education, equality relations. The family image becomes a model for church life.
Abstrak
Krisis moral yang terjadi di tengah keluarga Kristen akibat globalisasi, mengakibatkan hilangnya fungsi keluarga Kristen di tengah masyarakat. Hal tersebut mengakibatkan bergesernya nilai-nilai keluarga digantikan dengan nilai-nilai individualis, konsumerisme, hedonistik. Artikel ini memuat tentang konsep keluarga (hausetafel) dalam surat Efesus 6:1-9. Penulis menggunakan penafsiran sosio historis, untuk mencari dan menemukan makna atau nilai kekeluargaan menurut pemikiran Paulus. Hasil penafsiran menunjukkan bahwa penguatan nilai-nilai keluarga tidak lepas dari konteks sosio-historis dan kulturalnya yang yang didominasi oleh pola-pola relasi kekuasaan yakni patron-klien yang ber-dampak pada kehidupan persekutuan umat. Sehingga perlu adanya penguatan moral dan karakter yang berdasar pada nilai-nilai kekeluargaan. Beberapa nilai haustafel yang menonjol dalam perikop ini yakni nilai kebenaran, kasih dan ketaatan, penghormatan, nilai persaudaraan, bersikap adil dan hidup setara yang selanjutnya menjadi model bagi kehidupan gereja maupun kekristenan
