1,721,006 research outputs found
From fast-food to local food-experiences : a study of the implementation of local food at Hurtigruten
Get PDFOpplevingsturisme er i kraftig vekst og turistar i Noreg etterspør i aukande grad lokale mat- og drikkeopplevingar. Tilbodet er likevel mangelfullt. Denne kvalitative casestudien undersøkjer korleis Hurtigruten har gjennomført si satsing på lokalmat, «Norwegian Coastal Kitchen» (NCK), som ein del av eit opplevingsbasert reiselivsprodukt. Studien skildrar produktkonseptet og kva rolle nettverk og innovasjon har spela i realiseringa av det. Data er samla inn ved hjelp av semistrukturerte intervju med Hurtigruten og fleire lokalmat-leverandørar, og gjennom deltakande observasjon. Analysen tek utgangspunkt i Pine II og Gilmore (1999) sin teori om opplevingsøkonomien, teori om nettverk og opplevingsinnovasjon og tidlegare studiar av dette i ein lokalmat- og reiselivskontekst.
Produktkonseptet NCK dreier seg om å tilby kvalitetsmat frå nærområda der Hurtigruten seglar og gjennom historieforteljing skapa ei «hyperlokal» kopling mellom maten og landskapet som skipa seglar forbi. Opplevingskonseptet er å rekna som «edutainment» – ei blanding av utdanning og underhaldning. Intern forankring av konseptet har vore ein av dei største utfordringane i realiseringa av konseptet. For å gje passasjerane ei oppleving av å koma tett innpå dei små lokalsamfunna dei passerer, har det for Hurtigruten vore viktig å utvikla direkte og tillitsbaserte band til mange lokalmatprodusentar langs heile kysten. Funna syner at det kan vera utfordrande å ivareta nære relasjonar i eit veksande nettverk og at tredjepartsaktørar også er viktige for å klara å kopla reiseliv og lokalmat. Nettverket har karakteristikkar som kan hemma innovasjonsgraden i samarbeidet. Lokalmatsatsinga har likevel medført ulike typar innovasjon, både hos Hurtigruten og lokalmat-leverandørane. Lokalmatsatsinga kvalifiserer som første generasjon opplevingsinnovasjon (Boswijk et al., 2007), ettersom Hurtigruten orkestrerer matopplevinga, medan samskaping med lokalmat-leverandørar og kundar førebels er ein ambisjon.
Denne studien syner at konsept, nettverk og innovasjon påverkar kvarandre gjensidig og at det er viktig å ha kunnskap om dei innbyrdes samanhengane i produksjonen av opplevingsprodukt. Hurtigruten sine erfaringar underbyggjer også tidlegare forsking som har vist at reiselivsbedrifter kan ha økonomiske fordelar av å tilby lokalmat og gir støtte til teorien om opplevingsøkonomien som ei særs tenleg form for langsiktig verdiskaping.Experience-based tourism is increasingly popular and the interest in local food-experiences is growing fast among tourists visiting Norway. Even so, the offer is scarce. This qualitative case-study examines the Norwegian cruise-operator Hurtigruten and its local food-concept, “Norwegian Coastal Kitchen” (NCK), in an experience-based tourism context. The study describes the concept and discusses the role of networks and innovation in the realization of it. The data has been collected by means of semi structured interviews with Hurtigruten and several of their local food-suppliers, supplemented with participant observations. The results are analysed in light of the theory about the experience economy (Pine II & Gilmore, 1999), theory on networks and innovation and compared to existing research on local food in a tourism-context.Norges forskningsrådsubmittedVersionM-REI
Informant Interviews Biosmart WP3 – BIOSMART: Managing the Transition to a “Smart” Bio-economy, 2018
No full textThe objective of Biosmart was to study the conditions and hindrances within the bio-economic sectors for a transition towards a low-emission society. The project consist of several work packages. In this package, data was collected concerning actors, resources, technology and institutions in order to describe four examples on changes in the bio-economy. Therefore, key informants within relevant firms, organizations and institutions were identified and interviewed. For further information about ”Informant Interviews Biosmart WP3 – BIOSMART: Managing the Transition to a “Smart” Bio-economy, 2018”, please contact the principal investigator
En gjennomgang av odelsloven, konsesjonsloven og jordloven og endringer i nyere tid. Notat 5/06
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New uses of an agricultural product?: A case study of development in an industrial network
Get PDFUse influences the value of a resource. An element that is not used has no value and is no resource. However, the use can change. In the study the point of departure (chapter 1) is an observation of three actors’ view of the use of a certain resource – goat milk produced in Norway. We refer to this resource as the focal resource. The three actors are a farmer (provider of the resource), a dairy company (user) and a food (technical) researcher. Common to them all is the fact that they are dissatisfied with how the resource is being used at a certain time. Only one, ‘easy’ component of the resource is ‘really’ used and then for making one, rather ‘simple’ product.
In chapter 2 we put this ‘resource-use’ problem into theoretical perspective. We take it that the use is related both to the resource ‘itself’ and the ‘structure’ in which it is embedded. On these grounds we find a network perspective interesting. More precisely, we employ a model of business networks developed within the ‘industrial networks approach.’ The view is that interaction among actors builds and sustains three dimensions in business network structures; linkage of activities results in certain activity patterns, tying of resources gives particular resource constellations and bonding of actors leads to specific webs of actors. Applying this perspective to our problem we conclude that the focal resource is used ‘poorly’ mainly because it is part of a network structure built around another very similar, but – in terms of volume – much ‘larger’ resource (cow milk). We call this structure ‘the Norwegian milk network.’
As with any business network, a certain activity pattern, a particular resource constellation and a specific web of actors characterize the Norwegian milk network at the actual point in time (1980s). This network was quite efficient and effective for cow milk, while it was less so for goat milk because this resource was somehow subordinated in the network. Thisinterpretation of the problem leads us to two sets of questions. The first is theoretical; what can actors do to improve the use of a resource that is subordinate in a business network? Here a conceptualizing of the dynamic element in business networks is crucial. The other set of questions is empirical; how can concrete actors facing the actual resource use it ‘better’? E.g. should the resource still be part of the actual network or would it be better to detach it from the prevailing network?
In chapter 3 we address the latter (empirical) set of questions. We start with a description of some structural characteristics of the ‘big’ actor in the network (Tine – a consortium of regional dairy companies). We also give a short account of features of the focal resource. The rest of the chapter is divided in two parts. In part A we tell (in case 1) the story of the provider (the farmer mentioned above) and how he and his spouse through conflicts and co-operation with other actors (e.g. Tine, public agencies, other farmers and an education centre) are successively able to detach their ‘portion’ of the focal resource from the prevailing network. Then the resource can be tied to other resources. In particular, the couple becomes able to exploit the component of the resource that in many ways is the most valuable but also ‘demanding’ (casein) through making and selling various white (real) cheeses. A traditional regional goat cheese, which the mother of the farmer knew how to make, provides the start of the product development. In many ways this existing product also served as inspiration for establishing the farm dairy in the first place. Later the wife on the farm joins a course in small-scale production of cheese and learns about recipes and how to make some other types of white goat cheeses. In a smaller case (2) we describe among other things how the earlier user of this ‘portion’ of the focal resource ‘reduces’ the use of it still more. Hence, part A concerns mainly development of the focal resource from the use side.
Part B of chapter 3 consists of five case stories; one main case (5) and four smaller ones (3, 4, 6 and 7). Each of them is organized around a product made from the focal resource. Compared to part A the emphasis is on the focal resource ‘itself;’ how its specific features (especially those of the casein component) are used and not used by the ‘big’ actor by applying resources that by and large are made for the ‘big’ resource. In the main case we learn about how one of these features (taste) is altered. The background is that the ‘big’ actor (Tine)becomes provider of an existing, but for Tine new product for a specialized goat cheese maker localized abroad. To its ‘surprise’ Tine finds that the customer does not like the product; it tastes too strong. After some rounds of ‘trial and error’ in co-operation in order to identify the source of the problem the two actors conclude that the problem has to be sought in the focal resource. Then Tine orchestrates a project to which some ‘technical’ researchers are attached – some from departments within Tine, others working at departments at the national university of agriculture. Tine also uses its relationship to the national organization responsible for goat breeding in order to influence the resource. To make a long story short, the persons from different organizations involved in the project find out that the problematic feature of the resource is due mainly to three ‘factors;’ feed, breeding and storing/transportation. On these grounds another actor (a feed provider) develops a new concentrated fodder especially designed for milking goats. The breeding organization changes its breeding goals. Technicians in Tine experiment with prototypes for adjusted storing and transportation equipment. In this way a request for an existing product from a demanding, foreign customer leads to questioning of the resource ‘Norwegian goat milk.’ Features of the resource become a topic. Moreover, a feature that the ‘big’ actor previously regarded as less good (‘weak’ taste) turns into something good (‘mild’ taste).
The stories told in chapter 3 evoke the theoretical question posed in chapter 2. Hence, in chapter 4 we discuss on a more abstract level development in a business network. The cases make it clear that we must distinguish between a resource and the actual use of it. Moreover, actual use requires combination of the resource with other resources. Combined with other resources or in other ways the resource can ‘obtain’ other uses. Thus, resources are heterogeneous. Hence, the value of a resource is a question of combination. This can in principle be done in two ways, 1) search for new ways in which existing features of the resource can be combined with those of other resources and 2) search for new or different features of the resource.
The cases show that interaction between actors plays a crucial role when it comes to identifying and implementing new uses of a resource. One reason for this is the ‘double faced’ (relational) nature of resources; they have both a provision side and a use side. Hence, looking at the resource from one side only can restrict actors’ imagination of potential uses. In other words, interaction can facilitate knowledge creation, which is necessary for discovering new economic uses. When the provision of a resource is confronted with the way it is used unexpected things can ‘start to happen.’ A former provider may start to use a resource and find new ways to combine it (cf. case 1). A user may complain to the provider, who starts to search for possibilities for changing the features of the resource (cf. case 5). Hence, it is actors that set resources in motion. That this motion takes place within the context of a network will mean that actors face hindrances as well as opportunities for finding new uses. Moreover, what are regarded as hindrances and opportunities is a question of ‘the eye that sees,’ that is the actor. One actor may view a certain resource combination as uninteresting, while another may look upon it as interesting. Hence, it is important not to forget that there are actors ‘behind’ any activity pattern and resource constellation and, moreover, that actors relating to the same resource may have bonds to different (other) actors.
In order to be able to analyse the ties and development in relation to the focal resource we apply a more detailed scheme developed by Håkansson & Waluszewski (1999, 2000, 2001). Here development is seen as a question of interactive, systematic relating of resources of different kinds; resources that are mainly technical (products and facilities) and resources that are by and large social (business units and business relationships). Hence, a certain use of a resource presupposes that a complex of interfaces between different resources – products, facilities, business units and business relationships – are ‘correct’ across firm boundaries. As a consequence, to arrive at a new use may require change in several interfaces involving many actors. To draw a ‘definite’ map of relevant interfaces before acting is thus impossible. Hence, when there has been at least some acting some relevant interfaces may come to the surface.
In chapter 5 we map, based on the empirical material (chapter 1 and 3), resource constellations at ‘the beginning’ (1980s) and at ‘the end’ (2001). We are ‘stunned’ by the richness and complexity within the constellations. But the mapping also reveals the extent to which the resources (especially at ‘the beginning’) are directed towards the ‘big’ resource (cow milk). Almost all other products, facilities, business units and business relationships are adjusted to this resource. In other words, there is ‘heaviness’ in the resource constellations that we are studying and in which our focal resource is embedded. However, at the end it seems that the focal resource has got some resources ‘of its own;’ not only outside the sphere of the ‘big’ actor (Tine) but also within, in the form of some new products, a new facility and some new business relationships. We then analyse more thoroughly certain interfaces that we find especially relevant for the focal resource and how these differ at ‘the beginning’ compared to at ‘the end.’
However, in a business network new resource combinations and features are not ‘sufficient’ in themselves. There have to be economic effects (economics) tied to them. In chapter 6 we discuss economic effects and how they can be assessed in a business network context. We identify the importance of calculations. Actors in a business network calculate. These calculations will always be relative in the sense that they will include some resources in a constellation and not others. Moreover, some resources may be regarded as important and hence receive a central position in the calculation, while others may be located at ‘the fringe.’ E.g. case 1 demonstrates that one of the actors (Namdalsmeieriet) views the focal resource as marginal and hence lets it enter their calculation as a cost, while another actor (Skånaliseter)gives prominence to the resource and lets it enter into their calculation as a value. On these grounds we assert that economics is not only an effect of resources being developed; development of resources is in very direct ways also affected by economic calculations.
Based on these findings we conclude the thesis with some remarks (chapter 7). Here we also briefly present a theme for further research – interaction between business actors and public institutions regarding improved use of agricultural resources.
In chapter 8 we describe and reflect upon the research process; how we interacted with researchers belonging to different research networks and how cases were successively developed in reciprocal influence with theory. We also give an account of sources and types of data, which mainly have been interviews and documents. In other words, the thesis is a qualitative study. On these grounds we assess the trustworthiness of the study by applying a scheme especially designed for judging qualitative research. Credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability are key concepts in this scheme. We conclude that the study is trustworthy but that the trustworthiness could have been improved in certain ways.dr.ing.dr.ing
New uses of an agricultural product? : A case study of development in an industrial network
No full textUse influences the value of a resource. An element that is not used has no value and is no resource. However, the use can change. In the study the point of departure (chapter 1) is an observation of three actors’ view of the use of a certain resource – goat milk produced in Norway. We refer to this resource as the focal resource. The three actors are a farmer (provider of the resource), a dairy company (user) and a food (technical) researcher. Common to them all is the fact that they are dissatisfied with how the resource is being used at a certain time. Only one, ‘easy’ component of the resource is ‘really’ used and then for making one, rather ‘simple’ product. In chapter 2 we put this ‘resource-use’ problem into theoretical perspective. We take it that the use is related both to the resource ‘itself’ and the ‘structure’ in which it is embedded. On these grounds we find a network perspective interesting. More precisely, we employ a model of business networks developed within the ‘industrial networks approach.’ The view is that interaction among actors builds and sustains three dimensions in business network structures; linkage of activities results in certain activity patterns, tying of resources gives particular resource constellations and bonding of actors leads to specific webs of actors. Applying this perspective to our problem we conclude that the focal resource is used ‘poorly’ mainly because it is part of a network structure built around another very similar, but – in terms of volume – much ‘larger’ resource (cow milk). We call this structure ‘the Norwegian milk network.’ As with any business network, a certain activity pattern, a particular resource constellation and a specific web of actors characterize the Norwegian milk network at the actual point in time (1980s). This network was quite efficient and effective for cow milk, while it was less so for goat milk because this resource was somehow subordinated in the network. Thisinterpretation of the problem leads us to two sets of questions. The first is theoretical; what can actors do to improve the use of a resource that is subordinate in a business network? Here a conceptualizing of the dynamic element in business networks is crucial. The other set of questions is empirical; how can concrete actors facing the actual resource use it ‘better’? E.g. should the resource still be part of the actual network or would it be better to detach it from the prevailing network? In chapter 3 we address the latter (empirical) set of questions. We start with a description of some structural characteristics of the ‘big’ actor in the network (Tine – a consortium of regional dairy companies). We also give a short account of features of the focal resource. The rest of the chapter is divided in two parts. In part A we tell (in case 1) the story of the provider (the farmer mentioned above) and how he and his spouse through conflicts and co-operation with other actors (e.g. Tine, public agencies, other farmers and an education centre) are successively able to detach their ‘portion’ of the focal resource from the prevailing network. Then the resource can be tied to other resources. In particular, the couple becomes able to exploit the component of the resource that in many ways is the most valuable but also ‘demanding’ (casein) through making and selling various white (real) cheeses. A traditional regional goat cheese, which the mother of the farmer knew how to make, provides the start of the product development. In many ways this existing product also served as inspiration for establishing the farm dairy in the first place. Later the wife on the farm joins a course in small-scale production of cheese and learns about recipes and how to make some other types of white goat cheeses. In a smaller case (2) we describe among other things how the earlier user of this ‘portion’ of the focal resource ‘reduces’ the use of it still more. Hence, part A concerns mainly development of the focal resource from the use side. Part B of chapter 3 consists of five case stories; one main case (5) and four smaller ones (3, 4, 6 and 7). Each of them is organized around a product made from the focal resource. Compared to part A the emphasis is on the focal resource ‘itself;’ how its specific features (especially those of the casein component) are used and not used by the ‘big’ actor by applying resources that by and large are made for the ‘big’ resource. In the main case we learn about how one of these features (taste) is altered. The background is that the ‘big’ actor (Tine)becomes provider of an existing, but for Tine new product for a specialized goat cheese maker localized abroad. To its ‘surprise’ Tine finds that the customer does not like the product; it tastes too strong. After some rounds of ‘trial and error’ in co-operation in order to identify the source of the problem the two actors conclude that the problem has to be sought in the focal resource. Then Tine orchestrates a project to which some ‘technical’ researchers are attached – some from departments within Tine, others working at departments at the national university of agriculture. Tine also uses its relationship to the national organization responsible for goat breeding in order to influence the resource. To make a long story short, the persons from different organizations involved in the project find out that the problematic feature of the resource is due mainly to three ‘factors;’ feed, breeding and storing/transportation. On these grounds another actor (a feed provider) develops a new concentrated fodder especially designed for milking goats. The breeding organization changes its breeding goals. Technicians in Tine experiment with prototypes for adjusted storing and transportation equipment. In this way a request for an existing product from a demanding, foreign customer leads to questioning of the resource ‘Norwegian goat milk.’ Features of the resource become a topic. Moreover, a feature that the ‘big’ actor previously regarded as less good (‘weak’ taste) turns into something good (‘mild’ taste). The stories told in chapter 3 evoke the theoretical question posed in chapter 2. Hence, in chapter 4 we discuss on a more abstract level development in a business network. The cases make it clear that we must distinguish between a resource and the actual use of it. Moreover, actual use requires combination of the resource with other resources. Combined with other resources or in other ways the resource can ‘obtain’ other uses. Thus, resources are heterogeneous. Hence, the value of a resource is a question of combination. This can in principle be done in two ways, 1) search for new ways in which existing features of the resource can be combined with those of other resources and 2) search for new or different features of the resource. The cases show that interaction between actors plays a crucial role when it comes to identifying and implementing new uses of a resource. One reason for this is the ‘double faced’ (relational) nature of resources; they have both a provision side and a use side. Hence, looking at the resource from one side only can restrict actors’ imagination of potential uses. In other words, interaction can facilitate knowledge creation, which is necessary for discovering new economic uses. When the provision of a resource is confronted with the way it is used unexpected things can ‘start to happen.’ A former provider may start to use a resource and find new ways to combine it (cf. case 1). A user may complain to the provider, who starts to search for possibilities for changing the features of the resource (cf. case 5). Hence, it is actors that set resources in motion. That this motion takes place within the context of a network will mean that actors face hindrances as well as opportunities for finding new uses. Moreover, what are regarded as hindrances and opportunities is a question of ‘the eye that sees,’ that is the actor. One actor may view a certain resource combination as uninteresting, while another may look upon it as interesting. Hence, it is important not to forget that there are actors ‘behind’ any activity pattern and resource constellation and, moreover, that actors relating to the same resource may have bonds to different (other) actors. In order to be able to analyse the ties and development in relation to the focal resource we apply a more detailed scheme developed by Håkansson & Waluszewski (1999, 2000, 2001). Here development is seen as a question of interactive, systematic relating of resources of different kinds; resources that are mainly technical (products and facilities) and resources that are by and large social (business units and business relationships). Hence, a certain use of a resource presupposes that a complex of interfaces between different resources – products, facilities, business units and business relationships – are ‘correct’ across firm boundaries. As a consequence, to arrive at a new use may require change in several interfaces involving many actors. To draw a ‘definite’ map of relevant interfaces before acting is thus impossible. Hence, when there has been at least some acting some relevant interfaces may come to the surface. In chapter 5 we map, based on the empirical material (chapter 1 and 3), resource constellations at ‘the beginning’ (1980s) and at ‘the end’ (2001). We are ‘stunned’ by the richness and complexity within the constellations. But the mapping also reveals the extent to which the resources (especially at ‘the beginning’) are directed towards the ‘big’ resource (cow milk). Almost all other products, facilities, business units and business relationships are adjusted to this resource. In other words, there is ‘heaviness’ in the resource constellations that we are studying and in which our focal resource is embedded. However, at the end it seems that the focal resource has got some resources ‘of its own;’ not only outside the sphere of the ‘big’ actor (Tine) but also within, in the form of some new products, a new facility and some new business relationships. We then analyse more thoroughly certain interfaces that we find especially relevant for the focal resource and how these differ at ‘the beginning’ compared to at ‘the end.’ However, in a business network new resource combinations and features are not ‘sufficient’ in themselves. There have to be economic effects (economics) tied to them. In chapter 6 we discuss economic effects and how they can be assessed in a business network context. We identify the importance of calculations. Actors in a business network calculate. These calculations will always be relative in the sense that they will include some resources in a constellation and not others. Moreover, some resources may be regarded as important and hence receive a central position in the calculation, while others may be located at ‘the fringe.’ E.g. case 1 demonstrates that one of the actors (Namdalsmeieriet) views the focal resource as marginal and hence lets it enter their calculation as a cost, while another actor (Skånaliseter)gives prominence to the resource and lets it enter into their calculation as a value. On these grounds we assert that economics is not only an effect of resources being developed; development of resources is in very direct ways also affected by economic calculations. Based on these findings we conclude the thesis with some remarks (chapter 7). Here we also briefly present a theme for further research – interaction between business actors and public institutions regarding improved use of agricultural resources. In chapter 8 we describe and reflect upon the research process; how we interacted with researchers belonging to different research networks and how cases were successively developed in reciprocal influence with theory. We also give an account of sources and types of data, which mainly have been interviews and documents. In other words, the thesis is a qualitative study. On these grounds we assess the trustworthiness of the study by applying a scheme especially designed for judging qualitative research. Credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability are key concepts in this scheme. We conclude that the study is trustworthy but that the trustworthiness could have been improved in certain ways
Etterprøving av utvidelse av Blåtind og sammenbinding av Mauken og Blåtind skyte- og øvingsfelt. Tematisk etterundersøkelse landbruk. (23/2015)
Get PDFForsvarets første forslag til utvidelse av Mauken og Blåtind skyte- og øvingsfelt i 1989 ville hatt betydelige konsekvenser for landbruksareal og landbruksdrift, særlig i nordøst (i Balsfjord kommune). På bakgrunn av konkrete innsigelser fra regional landbruksmyndighet i 1989 og utredninger om landbruket i det aktuelle området på 1990-tallet, innebar forslaget som ble lagt frem for Stortinget i 1995/96 atskillig mindre konsekvenser for landbruket. De negative konsekvenser for grunneiere og rettighetshavere som fortsatt var til stede synes i stor grad å være kartlagt i en dialog mellom Forsvaret, bøndene og landbruksmyndighetene på 2000-tallet i forkant av reguleringsplanene for utvidelsen og avbøtet gjennom avtaler om erstatning mellom Forsvaret og den enkelte berørte grunneier eller rettighetshaver. I 2014 ble flerbruksplan for feltet vedtatt og et samarbeidsråd for brukere i feltet etablert. Gjenstående ulemper for landbruket i 2015 synes å være små. I den østlige delen av utvidelsen rapporterer grunneierne og rettighetshaverne om ubetydelige ulemper. I den grad det dukker opp ulemper løses disse i god dialog med Forsvaret. Gjenstående ulemper synes å være noe større i den vestlige delen av utvidelsen, men også her løses mange av de problemene som dukker opp i dialog med Forsvaret. Et par av grunneierne ønsker bedre dialog med skytefelt-forvaltningen i det daglige. En grunneier etterlyser bedre gjerder og ferister langs vegen slik at beitedyr ikke kommer på avveie. Han ønsker også at sau- og geitebøndene må bli bedre representert i samarbeidsrådet
Food as attraction: connections between a hotel and suppliers of specialty food
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Culturally Grounded Tourism and Local Food in Rural Development, 2008
No full textCultural activities and heritage, rural tourism and small-scale food production (CULT OURFOOD) are three fragmented sectors or industries with many actors and little coordination. In spite of increasing economic and social importance and political awareness, those industries have separate sector authorities, business service and R&D institutions. Cultural leisure activities and tourism experience uneven growth in many areas, and it appears to be a large and undeveloped market potential for knowledge-based rural development. This study investigates some basic variables related to tourists' consumption of local food, through a empirical, quantitative survey among summer tourists in the Southern part of Norway
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