198 research outputs found
Opinie: Nu bezuinigen op universiteiten is allesbehalve slim
No full textHoe moeten we omgaan met Kunstmatige Intelligentie? Het is één van de urgente vragen die wetenschappers onderzoeken. Alleen al daarom is het niet slim om nu in het aantal academici te snijden, vinden Berend van der Kolk (VU) en Gea Dreschler (UvA) namens Amsterdam Young Academy in een opiniestuk in Trouw
Changes in argument structure:The case of Dutch vernieuwen
No full textEnglish is often contrasted with German and Dutch when it comes to the semantic roles that the subject can express (Hawkins 1986; Los & Dreschler 2012). Specifically, English seems to have more middles (She photographs well) and allows for unusual inanimate subjects (The cottage sleeps four). However, it seems that the semantics of the grammatical subject in Dutch are also changing, as witnessed by recent examples from websites and advertisements, such as Uw fietsenstalling verbetert and Presikhaaf vernieuwt. Although these sentences do not have the adverb that is typical of middles in Dutch (Broekhuis, Corver & Vos 2015:455ff.), they meet several other requirements for middle formation. In this paper, I analyse examples with one such verb, vernieuwen, and identify two different types of intransitive uses for this predominantly transitive verb. I argue that ambiguity, analogy and genre all play an important role in this change in argument structure.</p
'Fifty pounds will buy me a pair of horses for my carriage': the history of permissive subjects in English
No full textThis article investigates the history of so-called permissive subjects in English, for example The tent sleeps four: inanimate, non-agentive subjects used with verbs that normally take animate, agentive subjects. Although permissive subjects are assumed in the literature to be innovations, there is little information available on their use and frequency. Using historical corpora, I provide an account of the history of permissive subjects with five verbs – see, buy, seat, sleep and sell. The results show that permissive subjects with see and buy are already found in the sixteenth century, while those with seat and sell occur from the nineteenth century onwards, and those with sleep first occur in the twentieth century. The five types also differ in other respects, with genre and functional motivations playing an important role. Crucially, there is an increase in the overall use of these permissive subjects, which follows the increase in subject-initial clauses and a more marked use of the presubject position as described by Los & Dreschler (2012), supporting their proposal that several subject-creating strategies – passives, middles and permissive subjects – became more frequent in English due to changes in the pragmatic character of the clause-initial position, in turn caused by the loss of verb second
English Language
No full textThis chapter has the following sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology; 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology, and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics (not present this year); 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition; 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis; 14. Stylistics (not present this year). Sections 1 and 2 are by Viktorija Kostadinova; section 3 is by Marco Wiemann; sections 4 and 5 are by Gea Dreschler and Sune Gregersen; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Ai Zhong; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Beke Hansen and Sven Leuckert; section 11 is by Tihana Kraš; section 12 is by Shawnea Sum Pok Ting, Ida Parise and Alessia Cogo; section 13 is by Elisabeth Reber
English Language. General
No full textThis chapter has fourteen sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology; 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology, and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics; 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition; 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis; 14. Stylistics. Section 1 is by Robert A. Cloutier; section 2 is by Anita Auer; section 3 is by Radosław Święciński; sections 4 and 5 are by Phillip Wallage and Gea Dreschler; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Kathryn Allan; section 8 is by Mackenzie Kerby; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Alexander Kautzsch; section 11 is by Maja Miličević and Tihana Kraš; section 12 is by Elizabeth J. Erling, Claudio Schekulin, Veronika Thir, Barbara Seidlhofer, and Henry Widdowson; section 13 is by Charlotte Taylor; section 14 is by Chloe Harrison
IEnglish Language
No full textThis chapter has thirteen sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology; 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology, and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics; 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition. 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Stylistics. Section 1 is by Robert A. Cloutier and Nuria Yáñez-Bouza; section 2 is by Nuria Yáñez-Bouza; section 3 is by Radosław Święciński; sections 4 and 5 are by Gea Dreschler and Sune Gregersen; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Kathryn Allan; section 8 is by Maggie Scott; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Alexander Kautzsch and Sven Leuckert; section 11 is by Tihana Kraš; section 12 is by Alessia Cogo, Tian Gan, and Ida Parise; section 13 is by Jessica Norledge
I English Language
No full textThis chapter has fourteen sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology (not covered this year); 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology, and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics; 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition. 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Pragmatics and Discourse. 14. Stylistics. Section 1 is by Viktorija Kostadinova; section 2 is by Nuria Yáñez-Bouza; sections 4 and 5 are by Gea Dreschler and Sune Gregersen; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Kathryn Allan; section 8 is by Maggie Scott; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Sven Leuckert; section 11 is by Tihana Kraš; section 12 is by Tian Gan, Ida Parise, Sum Pok Ting, Juliana Souza da Silva and Alessia Cogo; section 13 is by Beke Hansen; section 14 is by Jessica Norledge
IEnglish Language
No full textThis chapter has thirteen sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology; 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology, and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics; 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition; 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis. Sections 1 and 2 are by Viktorija Kostadinova; section 3 is by Marco Wiemann; sections 4 and 5 are by Gea Dreschler and Tamara Bouso; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Ai Zhong; section 8 is by Maggie Scott; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Wiebke Ahlers and Manuela Vida-Mannl; section 11 is by Kholoud A. Al-Thubaiti; section 12 is by Shawnea Sum Pok Ting, Ida Parise, and Alessia Cogo; section 13 is by Elisabeth Reber
I English Language
Get PDFThis chapter has fourteen sections: 1. General; 2. History of English Linguistics; 3. Phonetics and Phonology; 4. Morphology; 5. Syntax; 6. Semantics; 7. Lexicography, Lexicology and Lexical Semantics; 8. Onomastics; 9. Dialectology and Sociolinguistics; 10. New Englishes and Creolistics; 11. Second Language Acquisition. 12. English as a Lingua Franca; 13. Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis, 14. Stylistics. Sections 1 and 2 are by Viktorija Kostadinova; section 3 is by Marco Wiemann; sections 4 and 5 are by Gea Dreschler and Sune Gregersen; section 6 is by Beáta Gyuris; section 7 is by Ai Zhong; section 8 is by Maggie Scott; section 9 is by Lieselotte Anderwald; section 10 is by Beke Hansen and Sven Leuckert; section 11 is by Tihana Kraš; section 12 is by Shawnea Sum Pok Ting, Ida Parise, and Alessia Cogo; section 13 is by Elisabeth Reber; section 14 is by Furzeen Ahmed
The decline of local anchoring:A quantitative investigation
Get PDFThis article presents a quantitative study of the referential status of PPs in clause-initial position in the history of English. Earlier work (Los 2009; Dreschler 2015) proposed that main-clause-initial PPs in Old English primarily function as ‘local anchors’, linking a new clause to the immediately preceding discourse. As this function was an integral part of the verb-second (V2) constraint, the decline of local anchors was attributed to the loss of V2 in the fifteenth century, so that only the contrasting and frame-setting functions of these PPs remain in PDE. This article tests these hypotheses in the syntactically parsed corpora of OE, ME, EModE and LModE texts, using the Pentaset-categories (New, Inert, Assumed, Inferred or Identity; Komen 2011), based on Prince's categories (Prince 1981). The finding is that Identity clause-initial PPs decline steeply from early ME onwards, which means the decline pre-dates the loss of V2. A likely trigger is the loss of the OE paradigm of demonstrative, which functioned as standalone demonstrative pronouns as well as demonstrative determiners, and the loss of gender marking more generally. From EModE onwards, main-clause-initial PPs that still link to the preceding discourse do so much more indirectly, by an Inferred link
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