6 research outputs found

    Conformal Vector Fields and Null Hypersurfaces

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    We give conditions for a conformal vector field to be tangent to a null hypersurface. We particularize to two important cases: a Killing vector field and a closed and conformal vector field. In the first case, we obtain a result ensuring that a null hypersurface is a Killing horizon. In the second one, the vector field gives rise to a foliation of the manifold by totally umbilical hypersurfaces with constant mean curvature which can be spacelike, timelike or null. We prove several results which ensure that a null hypersurface with constant null mean curvature is a leaf of this foliation.Open Access funding provided thanks to the CRUE-CSIC agreement with Springer Nature. Funding for open access charge: Universidad de Málaga/ CBUA. The second author is partially supported by Ministry of Sciences and Innovation (MICINN) I+D+I Grant No. PID2020-118452GB-I00 and Junta de Andalucía-FEDER research Project UMA18-FEDERJA-183. Funding for open access charge: Universidad de Málaga / CBU

    Author response

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    Dystrophin forms an essential link between sarcolemma and cytoskeleton, perturbation of which causes muscular dystrophy. We analysed Dystrophin binding dynamics in vivo for the first time. Within maturing fibres of host zebrafish embryos, our analysis reveals a pool of diffusible Dystrophin and complexes bound at the fibre membrane. Combining modelling, an improved FRAP methodology and direct semi-quantitative analysis of bleaching suggests the existence of two membrane-bound Dystrophin populations with widely differing bound lifetimes: a stable, tightly bound pool, and a dynamic bound pool with high turnover rate that exchanges with the cytoplasmic pool. The three populations were found consistently in human and zebrafish Dystrophins overexpressed in wild-type or dmdta222a/ta222a zebrafish embryos, which lack Dystrophin, and in Gt(dmd-Citrine)ct90a that express endogenously-driven tagged zebrafish Dystrophin. These results lead to a new model for Dystrophin membrane association in developing muscle, and highlight our methodology as a valuable strategy for in vivo analysis of complex protein dynamics

    Le statut des récits de voyage dans la géographie humaniste du XVe siècle

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    International audienceSince the 13th century at least travel accounts are essential as sources for the knowledgeof the world. Humanists, such as Cristoforo Buondelmonti or Cyriac of Ancon, aretravellers themselves, while the Ancients had conferred a heuristic status to the travelliterature by recording information gathered from travellers. Humanists are yetambivalent. Some of them, for example Poggio Braccioloni, are enthusiastic in theiruse of such material whereas others, such as Enea Silvio Piccolomini, are far moresuspicious about it.In the 15th century, a humanist would use a travel account only if he was convincedof the sincerity of his author and of his ability to properly transcribe reality. The successof Niccolò de’ Conti’s account is partly due to the critical authority of his writer,Poggio Bracciolini, which actually certifies the truth of it. But how can new informationbe introduced in places where nothing is absolutely certain? Even the humanistswho use information gathered from travellers generally consider it with a criticaleye. Therefore travel accounts are no more than a piece of material among othersused to draw a picture of a world uncertain by essence, which would explain that inthe 15th century, these narratives could not be used as a tool to radically challenge theancient geography.Au moins depuis le xiiie siècle, les récits de voyage constituent une source essentielle d’informations sur le monde. Des humanistes, tel Cristoforo Buondelmonti ou Cyriaque d’Ancône sont eux-mêmes des voyageurs, tandis que les auteurs antiques, en utilisant des informations recueillies auprès des voyageurs, avaient constitué la valeur heuristique des récits de voyage. Pourtant l’attitude des humanistes à leur égard est ambivalente. Certains, tel Poggio Bracciolini les utilisent avec enthousiasme tandis que d’autres comme Enea Silvio Piccolomini sont plus méfiants.Au xve siècle, un humaniste utilise un récit de voyage s’il est convaincu de la sincérité de l’auteur et de sa capacité à retranscrire le réel. Le succès du récit de Niccolò de’ Conti mis par écrit par Poggio Bracciolini s’explique en partie par l’autorité critique prêtée à ce dernier, garant de la véracité des propos du premier.Mais comment introduire les nouvelles informations en des lieux où règne l’incertitude ? D’une manière générale, même les humanistes qui usent des données recueillies parles voyageurs les soumettent à leur critique. Dès lors, les récits de voyage ne sontqu’un instrument parmi d’autres pour dessiner une image du monde par essence incertaine, ce qui explique qu’au xve siècle, ils ne pouvaient servir à remettre en cause radicalement la géographie antique

    Le statut des récits de voyage dans la géographie humaniste du XVe siècle

    No full text
    International audienceSince the 13th century at least travel accounts are essential as sources for the knowledgeof the world. Humanists, such as Cristoforo Buondelmonti or Cyriac of Ancon, aretravellers themselves, while the Ancients had conferred a heuristic status to the travelliterature by recording information gathered from travellers. Humanists are yetambivalent. Some of them, for example Poggio Braccioloni, are enthusiastic in theiruse of such material whereas others, such as Enea Silvio Piccolomini, are far moresuspicious about it.In the 15th century, a humanist would use a travel account only if he was convincedof the sincerity of his author and of his ability to properly transcribe reality. The successof Niccolò de’ Conti’s account is partly due to the critical authority of his writer,Poggio Bracciolini, which actually certifies the truth of it. But how can new informationbe introduced in places where nothing is absolutely certain? Even the humanistswho use information gathered from travellers generally consider it with a criticaleye. Therefore travel accounts are no more than a piece of material among othersused to draw a picture of a world uncertain by essence, which would explain that inthe 15th century, these narratives could not be used as a tool to radically challenge theancient geography.Au moins depuis le xiiie siècle, les récits de voyage constituent une source essentielle d’informations sur le monde. Des humanistes, tel Cristoforo Buondelmonti ou Cyriaque d’Ancône sont eux-mêmes des voyageurs, tandis que les auteurs antiques, en utilisant des informations recueillies auprès des voyageurs, avaient constitué la valeur heuristique des récits de voyage. Pourtant l’attitude des humanistes à leur égard est ambivalente. Certains, tel Poggio Bracciolini les utilisent avec enthousiasme tandis que d’autres comme Enea Silvio Piccolomini sont plus méfiants.Au xve siècle, un humaniste utilise un récit de voyage s’il est convaincu de la sincérité de l’auteur et de sa capacité à retranscrire le réel. Le succès du récit de Niccolò de’ Conti mis par écrit par Poggio Bracciolini s’explique en partie par l’autorité critique prêtée à ce dernier, garant de la véracité des propos du premier.Mais comment introduire les nouvelles informations en des lieux où règne l’incertitude ? D’une manière générale, même les humanistes qui usent des données recueillies parles voyageurs les soumettent à leur critique. Dès lors, les récits de voyage ne sontqu’un instrument parmi d’autres pour dessiner une image du monde par essence incertaine, ce qui explique qu’au xve siècle, ils ne pouvaient servir à remettre en cause radicalement la géographie antique

    Christians in Al-Andalus ( 8th-10th centuries)

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    The historiography of early Islamic Spain has become polarised between the Arabic narrative histories and the Latin sources. Although the Arabic sources have little directly to say about the situation of the conquered Christians, a willingness to engage with both Latin and Arabic texts opens up a wide range of material on such controversial topics as acculturation and conversion to Islam. This thesis examines a number of texts written by or attributed to Christians living in Al-Andalus before the fall of the caliphate, early in the eleventh century. It begins with two eighth-century Latin chronicles and their wholly Christian response to the conquest and the period of civil wars which followed it. The reliability of Eulogius' testimony to the Cordoban martyr movement of the 850s is considered in the light of Alvarus' Vita Eulogii and other evidence. Tenth-century Cordoba is briefly described as a backdrop to the later sources. The passions of two Cordoban martyrs of this period show that hagiography allowed for different accounts of dissident Christians. The status of bishop Recemund as the author of the Calendar of Cordoba and the epitome of 'convivencia' is re-evaluated. The translation into Arabic of Orosius' Seven Books of History Against the Pagans is set in the context of other Christian texts in Arabic. The final chapter considers the episodes in Ibn al-QuTiya's History of the Conquest of Al-Andalus dealing with the Christian population, and especially with the Visigothic family from whom he may have been descended. Whilst an attempt is made to draw this material together, the result is a series of Christian perspectives on the Islamic conquest, rather than a new narrative of cultural survival or assimilation
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