23 research outputs found
Latin American Student Protest Dataset (LASPD)
No full textThe LASPD is a dataset of 4,717 student protest events in eighteen Latin American countries between the years 2000 and 2012. It was created using the monthly Chronologies of Social Conflict of the Latin American Social Observatory (Observatorio Social de América Latina, OSAL, 2012), which belongs to the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO). These Chronologies contain summaries of social conflicts (including press conferences, meetings between government authorities and social actors, and protests) based on media reports from each country, with each summary typically being one or two paragraphs long. The media analyzed include national and local newspapers, news websites, and radio stations. OSAL analyzed at least three media in any given period
Replication Data for "Apoyo a la opción Rechazo en el plebiscito constitucional de 2022: correlaciones a nivel comunal"
No full textDatos para replicar análisis descriptivos e inferenciales del capítulo "Apoyo a la opción Rechazo en el plebiscito constitucional de 2022: correlaciones a nivel comunal" en le libro "El Proceso Constituyente Chileno (2019-2022): análisis, interpretaciones
y perspectiva
Replication Data for: Indigenous Voices and Votes: Assessing the Dynamics of Indigenous Politics in Chile's Constitutional Referendum of 2022
No full textIn this study, I identify several claims about the role played by indigenous politics in the
defeat in the 2022 Chilean plebiscite of the Constitutional draft and then contrast them with district level evidence. I detail indigenous leaders' explanations for the approve option's defeat and use municipal data to examine voting patterns. Results reveal most voters in indigenous districts opposed the draft but also suggest variation by ethnicity and stronger Approve sentiment in areas affected by violence and in rural, indigenous territories
Replication data for "Attitudes towards human rights violations during the 2019 Chilean social outburst"
No full textData to replicate results from "Attitudes towards human rights violations during the 2019 Chilean social outburst
Replication Data for: The Nearness of Youth: Spatial and Temporal Effects of Protests on Political Attitudes in Chile
No full textSocial movement research indicates that mobilization can effect change in political attitudes, yet few works have systematically tested the effect of protests on public opinion. This article uses survey and protest event data to assess the spatial and temporal effect of mobilizations on political attitudes Chile. It combines the 2008, 2010, and 2012 LAPOP surveys and a dataset of college student protest events, mapping respondents and protests at the municipal level using Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Using regression analyses, it finds that proximity to college student protests has a significant effect on various political attitudes. The effect, however, tends to be substantively larger on “weak” attitudes and smaller on “strong” ones. The results highlight the importance of mobilizations in shaping individual political attitudes and the role that social movements play in the policymaking process
Replication Data for "Democracy in Tumultuous Times: Protests, Pandemic, and Plebiscite in Chile"
No full textReplication data for "Democracy in Tumultuous Times: Protests, Pandemic, and Plebiscite in Chile". Includes .dta files and do-file
Replication data for: Social policy expansion from below? The case of Chile’s student movement and free tuition higher education
No full textData and code to replicate results of TF-IDF analysis of 14,738 education-related news stories between 2015 and 2021 in Chile
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Policies, politics, and protests : explaining student mobilization in Latin America
No full textLatin American college student protesters have been historically a force to reckon with. Scholars have argued, however, that the introduction of neoliberal policies in the late twentieth century would discourage mobilization. Yet, some of the most liberalized higher education systems in the region have witnessed relatively frequent and massive mobilizations in recent years. What explains variation in the frequency and size of student mobilizations in Latin America? To answer this question, I propose a theory of student mobilization that considers explanations based on both social grievances and political opportunities. I argue that, in order to understand the effect of these explanations on protests, mobilization must be disaggregated into two of its main dimensions: the frequency of mobilizations, and the size of protests. The reasons that explain the frequency of protests may not adequately explain the size of individual mobilizations, and vice versa. I claim that social grievances, caused by neoliberal policies, have a positive effect on mobilization. More specifically, the expansion of higher education to include working class students, and the increase in private expenditures, increase both the frequency and size of protests. Meanwhile, political opportunities have an effect on mobilization through student-party linkages – the level of organizational, programmatic, and personalistic connections between political parties and students. I argue that stronger organizational linkages with ruling parties have a demobilizing effect on frequency, but that stronger linkages with the opposition can increase protest size. I use a mixed-methods, multilevel research design to test the theory. At the regional level, I use an original dataset of more than 4,700 protest events to carry out quantitative analyses of student protest frequency and size in Latin America. At the country level, I draw evidence from comparative case studies of student mobilization, higher education policies, and student-party linkages in Chile and Peru. Finally, I carry out a quantitative analysis of a 2012 Chilean survey to test the theory at the individual level. This quantitative and qualitative evidence drawn from different levels of analysis supports the theory’s expectations.Governmen
REGIÕES DE DISCÓRDIA: ANALISANDO INFLUÊNCIAS SUBNACIONAIS NAS POLÍTICAS DE COMÉRCIO EXTERIOR E INVESTIMENTO DO CHILE PARA OS EUA DURANTE EVENTOS CRÍTICOS
No full textWhat explains variation on Chile’s foreign trade and investment policies toward the United States? While previous studies have underscored international and country-level factors, this work focuses on how subnational economic differences lead to conflicts that shape the country’s policymaking. It examines Chile’s history of commercial policies toward the U.S., focusing on critical events between 1965 and 2005, finding that foreign trade and investment policy conflicts develop along regional lines during democratic periods and on issues where subnational differences in export dependence are stronger.O que explica a variação das políticas de comércio exterior e investimento do Chile em relação aos Estados Unidos? Embora estudos anteriores tenham destacado fatores internacionais e nacionais, este trabalho enfoca como as diferenças econômicas subnacionais levam a conflitos que moldam a formulação de políticas do país. Ele examina a história das políticas comerciais do Chile em relação aos EUA, concentrando-se em eventos críticos entre 1965 e 2005, constatando que os conflitos de política externa de comércio e investimento se desenvolvem ao longo de linhas regionais durante períodos democráticos e em questões em que as diferenças subnacionais na dependência de exportação são mais fortes
Explaining outcomes of asymmetric conflicts revisited: the Arauco War
No full textThis article evaluates two theories that seek to explain the outcomes of asymmetric conflicts. It uses evidence from a case study of the Arauco War (1536-1883). The war resulted, unlike most other instances of European colonization, in the victory of the weaker side. The first theory argues that in asymmetrical warfare, opponents choose between direct (conventional) and indirect (guerrilla) approaches; the stronger side is more likely to win same-approach interactions, while the weaker side is more likely to prevail in different-approach interactions. The second theory advances the claim that when armies become mechanized, they gather less intelligence from the ground, and are therefore less likely to solve the information problem - te- lling combatants apart from noncombatants. The analysis of the Arauco War shows the limitations of the first theory: the stronger side can easily win some different-approach (indirect- direct) interactions, while the weaker can win same-approach (indirect-indirect) ones. The study lends support to the second theory, especially once it is generalized to include cultural differences as factors that exacerbate the identification problem.Este artículo evalúa dos teorías que buscan explicar los resul- tados de conflictos asimétricos. Usa evidencia de un estudio de caso de la Guerra de Arauco (1536-1883). La guerra resultó, a diferencia de la mayoría de las instancias de colonización europea, en la victoria del lado más débil. La primera teoría argumenta que, en las guerras asimétricas, los oponentes eligen entre tipos directos (convencionales) e indirectos (guerrillas) de aproximación; el lado más fuerte tiene más probabilidades de ganar en interacciones del mismo tipo, mientras que es más probable que el más débil prevalezca en interacciones de distin- to tipo. La segunda teoría argumenta que cuando los ejércitos se mecanizan, recogen menos inteligencia del entorno y son, por lo tanto, menos capaces de resolver el problema de identi- ficación (distinguir a los combatientes de los no combatientes). El análisis de la Guerra de Arauco demuestra las limitaciones de la primera teoría: el lado más fuerte puede ganar fácilmente algunas interacciones de distinto tipo (indirecto-directo), mien- tras que el lado más débil puede vencer interacciones del mismo tipo (indirecto-indirecto). El estudio apoya a la segunda teoría, especialmente cuando es generalizada, incluyendo diferencias culturales que exacerban el problema de interacción
