1,721,032 research outputs found
Employment Creation, Corruption and Gender Equality 2011-2014
This chapter shows that, as with the economy, by 2014 people's hopes that their lives would improve and that governments would address their grievances had been dashed. Early optimism was replaced by concern that things were not getting better. Trust in government was low-albeit higher in the judiciary and the police and very high in the army-and corruption in both government and society generally was seen as pervasive. People did not think their government was effective on corruption, job creation or service delivery. Gender inequality is crucial-not least to achieve inclusive development-but conservative values continue to be widespread, especially in Egypt and Jordan, and while attitudes are more liberal in Tunisia they have become more conservative following the Uprisings
The Arab Uprisings in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia: Social, Political and Economic Transformations
The Arab Uprisings were unexpected events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history – mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts which threatened and in some cases toppled apparently stable autocracies. This volume provides in-depth analyses of how people perceived the socio-economic and political transformations in three case studies epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories – Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt – and drawing on survey data to explore ordinary citizens’ perceptions of politics, security, the economy, gender, corruption, and trust. The findings suggest the causes of protest in 2010-2011 were not just political marginalisation and regime repression, but also denial of socio-economic rights and regimes failure to provide social justice. Data also shows these issues remain unresolved, and that populations have little confidence governments will deliver, leaving post-Uprisings regimes neither strong nor stable, but fierce and brittle. This analysis has direct implications both for policy and for scholarship on transformations, democratization, authoritarian resilience and ‘hybrid regimes’
Beyond elections: perceptions of democracy in four Arab countries
This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country
Dynamic Structuring of water in polysaccharides by neutron scattering and Rayleigh scattering of Mössbauer radiation
Introduction and Background
The Arab Uprisings were events of rare intensity in Middle Eastern history as mass, popular and largely non-violent revolts which threatened and toppled supposedly stable autocracies. Branded them the region's '989 moment', when counter-revolution followed revolution, artificial expectations gave way to equally misplaced disaffection, still fails to recognise the Uprisings' originality and diversity. Focusing on three cases epitomising different post-Uprising trajectories-Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt-this chapter explores how the Uprisings have been analysed. Explanations for the Uprisings fall into three categories, over-emphasising in turn chances for democratisation, cultural or material obstacles to democracy, or the stability of 'ybrid regimes'. The chapter contextualises events leading to the Uprisings in each country and examines strengths and weaknesses of the toolkit through which the Uprisings have been viewed
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
The convergence of governance: upgrading authoritarianism in the Arab world and downgrading democracy elsewhere?
The article presents a study concerning political change in Arab countries. It mentions that inquiring the validity of the democratization paradigm in the Arab countries implies a significant case, since their countries have not experienced transition to democracy. The study involves a discussion against exceptionalism and democracy-spotting, since Arab countries have applied semi-democracy to their governments. It tries not to tackle the issue of the condition of political life in the democratic and authoritarian systems but contends that there is a trend toward the convergence of governance with the same mechanism of decision-making and policies
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