Czasopisma naukowe Wydziału Prawa University of Bialystok
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Integrating Routine Activity Theory and Transparency in Governance for Food Security through the Example of Operation Opson
No full textThis article explores the integration of criminology into food security policies through the lens of Routine Activity Theory (RAT) and transparency in governance, with a specific focus on Operation Opson. Food-related crimes, including fraud, theft, and contamination, pose significant threats to global food security and the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 2: Zero Hunger. The study develops an integrated framework combining RAT and transparency to identify, prevent, and respond to food-related crimes, ultimately strengthening food security. RAT helps map out the food supply chain’s vulnerabilities, identifying motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the absence of capable guardians. Transparency in governance enhances accountability and public trust by making regulatory processes and results openly accessible. The case study of Operation Opson, a joint initiative by Interpol and Europol, illustrates the practical application of this framework. The findings underscore the importance of incorporating criminological insights into food security strategies to achieve zero hunger by 2030, promoting a more secure and resilient global food system.This article explores the integration of criminology into food security policies through the lens of Routine Activity Theory (RAT) and transparency in governance, with a specific focus on Operation Opson. Food-related crimes, including fraud, theft, and contamination, pose significant threats to global food security and the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 2: Zero Hunger. The study develops an integrated framework combining RAT and transparency to identify, prevent, and respond to food-related crimes, ultimately strengthening food security. RAT helps map out the food supply chain’s vulnerabilities, identifying motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the absence of capable guardians. Transparency in governance enhances accountability and public trust by making regulatory processes and results openly accessible. The case study of Operation Opson, a joint initiative by Interpol and Europol, illustrates the practical application of this framework. The findings underscore the importance of incorporating criminological insights into food security strategies to achieve zero hunger by 2030, promoting a more secure and resilient global food system
From Social Invisibility to Legal Recognition: Same-Sex Partnership in Latvia
No full textThe authors offer a deep insight into the recent development of same-sex partnership regulation in Latvia. The judgments of the Constitutional Court of 12 November 2020 and 8 April 2021 required the guarantee of legal, social and economic protection for same-sex families and respect for their human dignity. In response to these judgments, the Saeima adopted same-sex partnership legislation on 9 November 2023. The authors analyse the content of these regulations and the previous legislative discussions that led to the adoption of this law. The implementation of the Constitutional Court judgments was ensured by the administrative courts in specifi c cases even before the Saeima adopted the relevant laws. According to the judgment of the Supreme Court of 10 December 2021, the administrative courts began to recognize same-sex families legally. Relevant case law is also analysed in this article
Prawo do jednostki kryptowaluty – uwagi de lege lata, prawnoporównawcze i de lege ferenda
No full textDespite the fact that cryptocurrency trading has been taking place in Poland for a dozen or so
years, the issue of the existence and nature of the right to cryptocurrency units has not been resolved in
civil law doctrine and case law. Th e legislature has also not taken any action in this regard, including in
the draft act on the cryptoasset market currently in process. Meanwhile, this issue is of signifi cant theoretical
and practical importance. Th is article therefore examines the currently presented views together
with their indicated consequences, and then supplements the ongoing discussion with comparative legal
remarks usually omitted in Polish literature. In this respect, solutions proposed or in force in European
Union, German, British and Chinese law are taken into account. Th is provides an opportunity to comment
on existing concepts, in particular the rejection of the proposal to adopt in Polish law de lege lata
the right to a unit of cryptocurrency, eff ective erga omnes (although with the submission of a de lege ferenda
application), and the view that there is no substantive right in this respect. In conclusion, it is considered
that currently in Poland, the right to a unit of cryptocurrency is of a relative nature
Model i środki bezpośredniej ochrony praw podmiotowych nabywców i posiadaczy kryptoaktywów w prawie polskim
No full textTh e legal basis for investigations into the model and means of direct protection of the subjective
rights of buyers and holders of cryptoassets in Polish law is the provisions of the MiCA Regulation
and the provisions of the Polish Act on Cryptoassets, assuming that the draft law will be adopted in the
form known on 31 December 2024. Summarizing the normative solutions already in force and planned
in Polish law which are devoted to the means of direct protection for the subjective rights of purchasers
and holders of cryptographic assets is a source of limited optimism. In the current legal situation,
the model of protecting the subjective rights of buyers and holders of cryptographic assets is not eff ective,
and the means of direct protection of these subjective rights are not suffi cient or fully eff ective
Reichsidee and Reichstag in the Phase of Immerwährender Reichstag in Regensburg (1663–1806)
No full textAfter the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648, concluded with the Peace of Westphalia, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation entered a new phase of its existence. From 1663 to 1806, its central governing body became the so-called Perpetual Diet of the Empire (Immerwährender Reichstag), a permanent assembly composed of the representatives of princes, of bishops, of free imperial cities, and of other Imperial Estates (Reichsstände). Based in Regensburg, this body functioned without interruption for more than 140 years, serving as a forum for negotiations, dispute resolution, and the coordination of policies within the territorially fragmented Empire.
The Peace of Westphalia not only brought an end to the long and devastating conflict between the Catholic League and the Protestant Union but it also cemented the religious and political division of the Empire. Internal disputes gave way to a system of balance between confessions, while the imperial authority was curtailed in favour of the autonomy of individual principalities, of electorates, and of free cities. From the medieval idea of the Empire (Reichsidee) – as a universal Christian empire – there remained primarily the symbolic authority of the emperor, grounded in tradition and ceremonial, yet diminished in the sphere of practical politics.
Participants in the political life of the Empire primarily sought the preservation of peace, the protection of their estate rights, and economic security. For some, the idea of the Empire still signified a cultural and legal community rooted in the heritage of the Roman Empire; for others, it was more a mechanism for maintaining the balance of power and for safeguarding autonomy against external interference. Thus, in the period after 1648, the Holy Roman Empire evolved into a federal, multi-confessional, and multi-ethnic structure, enduring until its dissolution in 1806 under the impact of the Napoleonic Wars.Po zakończeniu wojny trzydziestoletniej w 1648 roku, zwieńczonej pokojem westfalskim, Święte Cesarstwo Rzymskie Narodu Niemieckiego wkroczyło w nową fazę swojego istnienia. W latach od 1663 do 1806 roku centralnym organem jego funkcjonowania stał się tzw. Wieczysty Sejm Rzeszy (Immerwährender Reichstag), mający charakter stałego zgromadzenia przedstawicieli książąt, biskupów, wolnych miast i innych stanów Rzeszy (Reichsstände). Ten organ, z siedzibą w Ratyzbonie, działał nieprzerwanie przez ponad 140 lat, pełniąc funkcję forum negocjacji, rozwiązywania sporów i koordynacji polityki w obrębie rozdrobnionego terytorialnie imperium.
Pokój westfalski nie tylko zakończył długotrwały i wyniszczający konflikt między katolicką Ligą a protestancką Unią, lecz także utrwalił podział religijny i polityczny Rzeszy. Wewnętrzne spory ustąpiły miejsca systemowi równowagi między wyznaniami, a władza cesarska została ograniczona na rzecz autonomii poszczególnych księstw, elektoratów i wolnych miast. Z idei średniowiecznej Rzeszy – jako uniwersalnego chrześcijańskiego imperium – pozostał głównie symboliczny autorytet cesarza, oparty na tradycji i ceremoniale, lecz słabszy w sferze realnej polityki.
Uczestnicy życia politycznego Rzeszy oczekiwali przede wszystkim zachowania pokoju, ochrony swoich praw stanowych i bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego. Dla jednych idea Rzeszy wciąż oznaczała wspólnotę kulturową i prawną opartą na dziedzictwie Cesarstwa Rzymskiego, dla innych była raczej mechanizmem utrzymania równowagi sił i zabezpieczenia autonomii przed ingerencją sąsiadów. W ten sposób Święte Cesarstwo w okresie po 1648 roku stało się federacyjną, wielowyznaniową i wielonarodową strukturą, trwającą aż do swojej likwidacji w 1806 roku pod wpływem wojen napoleońskich
The Dispute Regarding the Methods of Financing Medical Treatment for Poor Jews in Healthcare Institutions from 1918 to 1925
No full textDo końca Polski międzywojennej sposób pokrywania kosztów leczenia w szpitalach ubogich chorych nie został jednolicie uregulowany w skali całego państwa. Polskie ustawodawstwo unormowało sprawy z tego zakresu w 1926 roku, ale jedynie na terenach byłego zaboru rosyjskiego.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest jednak zwrócenie uwagi na inny jeszcze, niezwykle drażliwy społecznie problem, występujący do połowy 1925 roku na terenie byłego Królestwa Polskiego. Dopiero wtedy uchwalono bowiem ustawę o pokrywaniu kosztów leczenia ubogich Żydów, będących stałymi mieszkańcami gmin na obszarze byłego Królestwa Kongresowego, która zrealizowała żądania ludności żydowskiej, by koszty leczenia w szpitalach ubogich Żydów były pokrywane w trybie stosowanym wobec chrześcijan.
Rosyjskie władze zaborcze ustanowiły bowiem, opierając się na kryterium wyznaniowym, odmienne sposoby pokrywania kosztów leczenia ubogich chorych. Zakładały one bowiem „rozkładkę” owych kosztów między członków żydowskiej gminy wyznaniowej, a w przypadku chrześcijan – na pozostałych przynależnych do gminy politycznej.
Owa odmienność przeobraziła się w nierówność, ze szkodą dla ludności żydowskiej, gdy gminy polityczne odeszły od systemu „rozkładki” owych kosztów i pokrywały je (za chrześcijan) z budżetu gminy, gdy za ubogich Żydów nadal płaciła je gmina wyznaniowa. Problem ten zaostrzył się od czasu, gdy piecza nad zdrowotnością publiczną znalazła się w zakresie działania gminy politycznej, co przewidywała już ordynacja miejska z dnia 19 czerwca 1915 roku dla obszarów Polski rosyjskiej podlegających niemieckiej administracji, a następnie dekrety z dnia 4 lutego 1919 roku o samorządzie miejskim i powiatowym. Od tego czasu bowiem koszty leczenia ubogich chrześcijan pokrywano – co do zasady – z budżetu gminy politycznej, a za Żydów wciąż uiszczała je gmina wyznaniowa, której członkowie ponosili ciężary finansowe na rzecz gminy politycznej na równi z wszystkimi jej przynależnymi.
Mimo protestów środowisk żydowskich Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych wciąż stało bowiem na stanowisku, że w sprawie uiszczania kosztów leczenia w szpitalu ubogich Żydów należy stosować w całej rozciągłości dotychczasowe przepisy z czasów Królestwa Polskiego. Zmianę tego stanowiska i pokrywanie kosztów leczenia w szpitalach ubogich Żydów w trybie stosowanym wobec chrześcijan wymusiła Konstytucja z 17 marca 1921 roku.Until the end of the interwar Poland, the method of covering the cost of treatment in hospitals for poor patients was not uniformly regulated across the country. The Polish legislation normalised the matters in this area in 1926, but only in the territories of the former Russian partition.
The purpose of this article, however, is to draw attention to another extremely socially sensitive problem, occurring until mid‑1925 in the former territory of the Kingdom of Poland. Indeed, it was only at that time that the law on covering the costs of medical treatment for poor Jews, who were permanent residents of the communities in the territory of the former Congress Kingdom was passed. It implemented the demands of the Jewish population that the costs of treatment in hospitals for poor Jews should be covered in the manner applied to Christians.This is because the Russian partition authorities established, based on religious criteria, different ways of covering the costs of treating poor patients.
This is because they assumed the “spread” of these costs among the members of the Jewish religious community and, in the case of Christians, among the remaining members of the politicalcommunity.
This dissimilarity turned into inequality, to the detriment of the Jewish population, when the political communities departed from the system of “spreading” these costs and paid them (for Christians) out of the community budget, when for poor Jews they were still paid by the religious community. The issue has escalated since public health care came under the authority of the political community, as previously anticipated by the municipal ordinance of 19 June 1915 for territories pertaining to areas of the Russian Poland under the German administration, and subsequently by the decrees of 4 February 1919, regarding the municipal and district self‑government.
Subsequently, the expenses associated with the treatment of poor Christians were typically financed through the budget of the political community, whereas, in the case of Jews, such costs continued to be borne by the religious community. Members of this community undertook financial responsibilities on behalf of the political community, in a manner consistent with the obligations of all its members.
This is because, despite the protests of the Jewish circles, the Interior Ministry still took the position that in the matter of paying for the hospital treatment of poor Jews, the previous regulations from the time of the Kingdom of Poland should be applied in their entirety. A change in this position and the payment of medical expenses in hospitals for poor Jews, in the manner applied to Christians, was enforced by the Constitution of 17 March 1921
Criminal Proceedings Against Wiktor Boczkowski “Korwin”. Remarks on Michał Wójcik’s Book Rywka. Death with the Golden Braid. War Games of the Polish Underground, Warsaw 2024, 383 pp.
No full textThe paper presents a detailed account of the criminal trial against Reserve Lieutenant Colonel Wiktor Boczkowski, alias “Korwin,” who served as an officer in the counterintelligence division of the Polish Underground State during World War II. His primary task was to combat the communist underground activity, which was already gaining momentum in the occupied Poland. After the war, due to his anti-communist efforts, he became one of many heroes of the independence underground persecuted by the new communist authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland. His criminal trial began shortly after his arrest and lasted for over seven years.
During this time, “Korwin” remained in custody and was subjected to brutal interrogations. He was tortured, including having his beard burned, in an effort to extract confessions. Ultimately, he was sentenced to 12 years in prison. In 1956,his sentence was reduced to eight years as part of a general amnesty, and he was released. After regaining his freedom, Boczkowski sought to have the case reopened, citing the use of illegal interrogation methods. However, the Supreme Court refused to review the case. Wiktor Boczkowski died in obscurity in 1967, never having been rehabilitated.Praca przedstawia szczegółowy przebieg procesu karnego przeciwko podpułkownikowi rezerwy Wiktorowi Boczkowskiemu, pseudonim „Korwin”, który w czasie drugiej wojny światowej był aktywnym funkcjonariuszem kontrwywiadu polskiego Państwa Podziemnego. Jego głównym zadaniem było zwalczanie działalności agenturalnej oraz konspiracji komunistycznej, która już wówczas zaczynała zyskiwać wpływy na terenie okupowanej Polski. Po zakończeniu wojny, ze względu na swoją działalność antykomunistyczną, stał się jednym z wielu bohaterów podziemia niepodległościowego prześladowanych przez nowe, komunistyczne władze Polski Ludowej. Jego proces karny rozpoczął się wkrótce po aresztowaniu i trwał łącznie ponad siedem lat. W tym czasie „Korwin” przebywał w areszcie, gdzie poddawano go brutalnemu śledztwu. Stosowano wobec niego liczne tortury, między innymi przypalano mu brodę, by wymusić zeznania. Został ostatecznie skazany na 12 lat pozbawienia wolności. W wyniku amnestii w 1956 roku karę skrócono do ośmiu lat, a samego Boczkowskiego wypuszczono na wolność. Po wyjściu z więzienia podjął starania o wznowienie postępowania karnego, wskazując na stosowanie nielegalnych metod śledczych. Sąd Najwyższy odmówił jednak ponownego rozpatrzenia sprawy. Wiktor Boczkowski zmarł w zapomnieniu w 1967 roku, nie doczekawszy się rehabilitacji
‘Constitution of the New Belarus’ as a Project of Post-Authoritarian Transformation and Decolonisation
No full textIn mid-2022, the Belarusian democratic opposition presented a draft constitution for the ‘new Belarus’, which would come into force after the collapse of President Alexander Lukashenko’s regime. The content of the draft constitution is not simply a return to the original text of Belarus’s Constitution of 1994. This is a completely new document intended to protect the nation against a return of authoritarianism. Therefore, the goals of this article are twofold: to give a brief overview of the process of the authoritarianisation of Belarus in the constitutional dimension in the years 1994–2022, and to analyse the content of the draft constitution of the ‘new Belarus’ from the perspective of deauthoritarianisation and decolonisation, recently presented by William Partlett and Herbert Küpper. The following study reveals that the postauthoritarian reverse planned by the draft constitution for the ‘new Belarus’ should include foremostly state-building processes and strengthening parliamentarism. The conclusion is that this project has a number of deauthoritarian features that significantly limit the competences of the head of state, establishing a parliamentary model of government
Characteristics of the European Union\u27s Relations with Belarus
No full textFor many years, Belarus has been heavily dependent on the Russian Federation. Its capability to shape its own foreign policy is also extremely limited. Until recently, however, the Belarusian authorities were keenly interested in strengthening cooperation with the European Union, thus reducing their dependence on the Russian Federation. That warm-up in mutual relations was favoured in part by the partial annulment in 2016 of EU sanctions, which had been imposed on Belarus in previous years. However, events that ensued in Belarus after the fraudulent presidential elections of 9 August 2020, the enormity of repression against representatives of the Belarusian opposition, parts of the media, and ordinary citizens, Belarus\u27 involvement on the side of the Russian Federation in its aggression against Ukraine, and the subsequent packages of sanctions imposed by the European Union in response to these unlawful and shameful actions raise legitimate questions about the future of mutual relations between Minsk and Brussels. For this reason, it seems of the essence to analyse the relations between Belarus, which has been continuously ruled by A. Lukashenko since 1997, and the European Union
Understanding the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals in the Context of Safety and Security for Rural Communities
No full textThis article examines challenges to the study of rural crime and criminal justice through the lens of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It emphasizes that the rural population of the world and within many countries is a significant share of the total, even though urbanization will inevitably continue through the remainder of the 21st century. Contrary to longstanding stereotypes, especially those found in criminology, rural places are quite diverse. In addition, rural localities everywhere are changing, and with these changes emerge important issues related to the safety and security of rural populations. All 17 SDGs are discussed within the context of crimes that affect rural people and their perceptions of safety; we examine what rural criminology can do to help criminal justice policy-makers and practitioners focus strategies and tactics suitable for a rural context.This article examines challenges to the study of rural crime and criminal justice through the lens of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It emphasizes that the rural population of the world and within many countries is a significant share of the total, even though urbanization will inevitably continue through the remainder of the 21st century. Contrary to longstanding stereotypes, especially those found in criminology, rural places are quite diverse. In addition, rural localities everywhere are changing, and with these changes emerge important issues related to the safety and security of rural populations. All 17 SDGs are discussed within the context of crimes that affect rural people and their perceptions of safety; we examine what rural criminology can do to help criminal justice policy-makers and practitioners focus strategies and tactics suitable for a rural context