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L’Antic Testament en la lírica i les novas a la Corona d’Aragó (segles XII-XV)
Full text linkThis article deals with the relationship between lyric poetry and the short narrative that took place in the Crown of Aragon in the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, that is between Guillem de Berguedà and Jordi de Sant Jordi, and the Old Testament. I collect the appearances of biblical figures that allow the writers to exemplify various circumstances, whether sentimental order, generally to proclaim the fidelity to the lady; whether personal, in the case of those who equate their life process with some biblical character, as is the case with Ramon Llull; political, while justifying a certain social organization; to expose some moral lessons, with special emphasis on misogynistic discourse, particularly in the case of the troubadour who most uses biblical texts such as Cerverí de Girona, and, of course, especially in poems of vituperation, with the memory of negative characters, as Cain could be.El present article aborda les relacions entre la lírica i la narrativa breu que es feia a la Corona d’Aragó en el període que va dels segles XII al XV, o sigui entre Guillem de Berguedà i Jordi de Sant Jordi, i l’Antic Testament. Recullo les aparicions de figures bíbliques que serviran als escriptors per exemplificar diverses circumstàncies, ja d’ordre sentimental, generalment per proclamar la fidelitat a la dama; personal, en el cas de qui equipara el seu procés vital a algun personatge bíblic, com s’esdevé amb Ramon Llull; polític, tot justificant una determinada organització social; per exposar alguna lliçó de caire moral, amb especial remarca del discurs misogin, particularment en el cas del trobador que més recorre als textos bíblics com és Cerverí de Girona, i, és clar, sobretot en poemes de vituperi, amb el record dels personatges negatius, com podria ser Caïm.  
El Hospital de Nostra Dona de Montserrat de Roma (1519), testimonio de piedad e identidad
Full text linkThe roman hospital of Nostra Dona de Montserrat (1519), a testimony of piety and identity
This research fills a void in the studies about the places of care of the community of the Crown of Aragon in the late 15th- early 16th century. It uses unpublished documentary evidence from the archives of the Vatican City, of Rome, of Madrid and of the own institution, in order to revise and increase the previous knowledge, focused exclusively on the hospital of San Nicolás and on the hospital promoted by Tomás Borja and Gabriel Robuster. It reveals the existance of other two, located near Corte Savella, in the space nowadays occupied by the Spanish National Church of Santiago and Montserrat. Finally it analyses in what way this hospitality awaked the interest of the King Ferdinand the Catholic, and contributed to consolidate his image in the city; and the importance that these hospitals had for the brotherhood of Our Lady of Montserrat, particularly how the generous donation of money and objects helped to construct and equip them.Esta investigación rellena un vacio en los estudios sobre los lugares donde la comunidad de la Corona de Aragón en Roma practicaba la asistencia caritativa a finales del siglo XV y principios del XVI. Usando pruebas documentales inéditas, procedentes de diversos archivos de Roma, Ciudad del Vaticano, Madrid y la propia institución, revisa e incrementa el conocimiento precedente, el cual había focalizado en los hospitales de San Nicolás y en aquél promovido por Tomás Borja y Gabriel Robuster. Revela la existencia de otros dos cerca de Corte Savella, en el lugar actualmente ocupado por la Iglesia Nacional Española de Santiago y Montserrat. Para finalizar, también reflexiona sobre el interés que esta hospitalidad despertó en el rey Fernando el Católico y cómo contribuyó a consolidar su imagen en la Urbe; así como la importancia que dichos hospitales tuvieron para la cofradía de Nostra Dona de Montserrat, materializada en particular a través de sus generosas donaciones en especie y en metálico a fin de ayudar a construirlos y equiparlos
Hagiografía, culto y frailes mendicantes en el siglo XIV: entre la hegemonía de los modelos y las tensiones locales
Full text linkThe paper aims to retrace the profound transformations that the religious proposals of the mendicant orders underwent in the aftermath of the Second Council of Lyons in 1274 up to the 1330s. In order to overcome the obstacle of the canon 23, which ordered the abolishment of the orders that based their proposal on the state of uncertain mendicitas and that were not approved by the papacy after 1215, the friars of the aggregations that came out of the council not exactly unscathed, such as the Carmelites, the Hermits of Saint Augustine and the Servants of Mary, promoted a series of internal processes that profoundly modified their institutional structures. Despite obtaining definitive confirmation by the popes at the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, the real test for the orders was the period of John XXII’s pontificate, which saw the resurgence of the struggle between the papacy and the empire for political hegemony on the Italian peninsula. At this juncture, the friars felt the need to rethink their past in order to update it to face the difficult situation of the present. A common denominator of this phase, perceptible since the aftermath of the Council of Lyons, was undoubtedly the influence had by the orders of the Minors and the Preachers in the elaboration of the hagiographic contents of the various orders. The members of these communities began to appear recurrently in the other orders’ texts as models to which they could refer to perfect their own ideal. This also seems to have repercussions at a local level according to different nuances, bringing out strongly competing situations in city contexts destabilised by the peculiar political-religious situation.La contribución pretende recorrer las profundas transformaciones que experimentaron las propuestas religiosas de las órdenes mendicantes tras el Segundo Concilio de Lyon en 1274 hasta la década de 1330. Para superar el obstáculo del canon 23, que preveía la casación de las órdenes que basaran su propuesta en el estado de mendicidad incierta y que no fueran aprobadas por la Sede Apostólica después de 1215, los frailes de las agregaciones que salieron no precisamente indemnes del concilio, como los Carmelitas, los Ermitaños de San Agustín y los Siervos de María, pusieron en marcha una serie de procesos internos que modificaron profundamente sus estructuras institucionales. A pesar de obtener la confirmación definitiva por parte de los papas en el cambio de los siglos XIII y XIV, la verdadera prueba para las órdenes fue el periodo del pontificado de Juan XXII, que vio la intensificación de la lucha entre el papado y el imperio por la hegemonía política en la península italiana. En esta coyuntura, los frailes sintieron la necesidad de reflexionar sobre su pasado, a fin de actualizarlo para afrontar la difícil situación del presente. Un denominador común de esta fase, perceptible desde las secuelas del Concilio de Lyon, fue sin duda la influencia que ejercieron las órdenes de los Menores y de los Predicadores en la elaboración de los contenidos hagiográficos de las diversas órdenes. Sus exponentes empezaron a aparecer recurrentemente en los diversos textos como modelos a los que referirse para perfeccionar su propio ideal. Esto también parece tener repercusiones a nivel local según distintos matices, poniendo de manifiesto situaciones fuertemente enfrentadas en contextos urbanos desestabilizados por la peculiar situación político-religiosa
Fragmento de un oracional judeoromance en el Archivo Histórico Nacional, sección Inquisición
Full text linkDuring the last years, the Archivo Histórico Nacional (Madrid) has become an important collection for the exhuamation of fragments of works, some known, others not, that increase our knowledge of medieval Hispanic literature. In this article, we recover a fragment, already known, belonging to a judeo-romance prayerbook that was found in the possession of blessed Mencía Suárez and that were bound together with the inquisitorial file as evidence of the crime of judaizing. The manuscript fragment, which has not been studied in its entirety, is examined here from its materiality, its textual content and its context of circulation. Finally, a critical edition of the prayers is offered and, in appendix, their semipaleographic transcriptionDurante los últimos años, el Archivo Histórico Nacional (Madrid) se ha convertido en un fondo importante para la recuperación de fragmentos de obras, algunas conocidas, otras no, que aumentan nuestro conocimiento de la literatura hispánica medieval. En este artículo, recuperamos un fragmento, ya conocido, perteneciente a un oracional judeorromance que se encontró en posesión de la beata Mencía Suárez y que se encuadernó junto al expediente inquisitorial como evidencia del delito de judaizar. El fragmento de cuaderno, que no ha sido estudiado en su integridad, se examina aquí desde su materialidad, su contenido textual y su contexto de circulación. Se ofrece, finalmente, una presentación gráfica y, en apéndice, la transcripción semipaleográfica del oracional
LINGUAGGIO, COMICITÀ E PERSONAGGIO FEMMINILE NELL’EPITALAMIO GIUDEO-CATALANO PIYYU? NA’EH
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Abstract. To date, Five Judeo-Catalan epithalams are known to the scientific community. They are preserved in two manuscripts (Jerusalem, National University Library, ms. 8° 3312 and Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Lyell 98) dating back to the mid-15th century and coming from a Provençal Jewish milieu. Among these, a particular mention deserves piyyu? na’eh, a ‘festive song’ designed for the celebrations following the wedding ceremony. This song is a parody, with humorous tones and erotic allusions, which is presented in the form of a dialogue between the two spouses, an old man and a girl. The former does not want to consume love, given his age, but, at the insistence of his wife, he finally proposes to be replaced by a bold young man. The interest of this text concerns firstly the language, and secondly its literary form. As for the language, piyyu? na’eh is written in a Judeo-Catalan in which the Hebrew component is subtly intertwined with the Romance one. Hebrew terms are functional to arouse the laughter of the public: they are placed in a trivial context in which their original sacred meaning creates a strong and comic contrast. Some of the Hebrew terms have even changed their meaning, assuming a connotation, according to a phenomenon of semantic shift typical of Jewish Languages. For this reason, piyyu? na’eh is a precious, early witness of an almost unattested phase of spoken Judeo-Catalan. On a literary level, piyyu? na’eh is a highly refined text, whose ‘popular’ tones are obtained through a skilful use of ‘colloquial’ language, metrics, and the stereotypical depiction of the characters. In this article, I will deal in detail with the semantic analysis of the Hebrew component, deepening the various linguistic and / or stylistic categories into which the Hebrew words can be included. The aim is to show how this dynamic reproduces and exasperates, for comic purposes, daily linguistic practice of the Catalan Jews of that time, and therefore constitutes both a stylistic fact and a precious historical-linguistic testimony. Secondly, I will show that piyyu? na’eh was composed by a learned author who had both Hebrew and Romance literary sources at disposal. I will also propose a contextualization of this type of text in the context of the Pastorella literary genre, and ‘women’s song’, in which the female figure constitutes the occasion for the humorous skit and the justification for the use of a ‘mixed-language’ code.
Ad oggi sono noti alla comunità scientifica cinque epitalami giudeo-catalani, conservati in due manoscritti (Gerusalemme, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, ms. 8° 3312 e Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Lyell 98) risalenti a metà XV secolo e provenienti da ambiente provenzale. Tra questi, una particolare attenzione spetta a piyyu? na’eh, un ‘canto festivo’ pensato per i festeggiamenti che seguono il rito nuziale. Questo canto è una parodia, dai toni umoristici e dalle forti allusioni erotiche, che si presenta in forma di dialogo tra i due sposi, un vecchio e una ragazza. L’interesse di questo testo riguarda innanzitutto il linguaggio, e in secondo luogo la sua forma letteraria. Per quanto riguarda il linguaggio, esso un prezioso testimone linguistico di una fase poco attestata, perché alquanto antica, del giudeo-catalano parlato. A livello letterario, piyyu? na’eh è un testo assai ricercato, i cui toni ‘popolareggianti’ sono ottenuti attraverso un sapiente uso del linguaggio ‘colloquiale’, della metrica, della caratterizzazione stereotipica dei personaggi. In questo saggio, presento innanzitutto l’analisi semantica della componente ebraica, approfondendo le varie categorie linguistiche e/o stilistiche in cui possono essere fatti rientrare gli ebraismi del testo, per mostrare come questa dinamica riproduca ed esasperi per intenti comici la prassi linguistica quotidiana degli ebrei catalani dell’epoca. In secondo luogo, mostro come piyyu? na’eh sia stato composto da un autore dotto che disponeva di fonti letterarie ebraiche e romanze e propongo una contestualizzazione di questo tipo di testo nell’ambito del genere letterario romanzo della pastorella e della canzone di donna, in cui la figura femminile costituisce l’occasione della scenetta umoristica e la giustificazione del ricorso a un codice mistilingue.Ad oggi sono noti alla comunità scientifica cinque epitalami giudeo-catalani, conservati in due manoscritti (Gerusalemme, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, ms. 8° 3312 e Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Lyell 98) risalenti a metà XV secolo e provenienti da ambiente provenzale. Tra questi, una particolare attenzione spetta a piyyu? na’eh, un ‘canto festivo’ pensato per i festeggiamenti che seguono il rito nuziale. Questo canto è una parodia, dai toni umoristici e dalle forti allusioni erotiche, che si presenta in forma di dialogo tra i due sposi, un vecchio e una ragazza. Il primo non vuole consumare l’amore, data l’età, ma, per l’insistenza della moglie, le propone infine di farsi sostituire da un baldo giovanotto. L’interesse di questo testo riguarda innanzitutto il linguaggio, e in secondo luogo la sua forma letteraria. Per quanto riguarda il linguaggio, esso è scritto in un giudeo-catalano in cui la componente ebraica è sottilmente intrecciata a quella romanza. Gli ebraismi sono funzionali a suscitare il riso del pubblico, perché calati in un contesto triviale in cui la loro sacralità originaria crea un forte e comico contrasto. Alcuni dei termini ebraici hanno mutato il loro significato, assumendone uno connotato, secondo un fenomeno di slittamento semantico tipico dei Jewish Languages. Per questa ragione, piyyu? na’eh è anche un prezioso testimone linguistico di una fase poco attestata, perché alquanto antica, del giudeo-catalano parlato. A livello letterario, piyyu? na’eh è un testo assai ricercato, i cui toni ‘popolareggianti’ sono ottenuti attraverso un sapiente uso del linguaggio ‘colloquiale’, della metrica, della caratterizzazione stereotipica dei personaggi. In questo saggio, presento innanzitutto l’analisi semantica della componente ebraica, approfondendo le varie categorie linguistiche e/o stilistiche in cui possono essere fatti rientrare gli ebraismi del testo, per mostrare come questa dinamica riproduca ed esasperi per intenti comici la prassi linguistica quotidiana degli ebrei catalani dell’epoca e costituisca, dunque, sia un fatto stilistico, sia una preziosa testimonianza storico-linguistica. In secondo luogo, mostro come piyyu? na’eh sia stato composto da un autore dotto che disponeva di fonti letterarie ebraiche e romanze e propongo una contestualizzazione di questo tipo di testo nell’ambito del genere letterario romanzo della pastorella e della canzone di donna, in cui la figura femminile costituisce l’occasione della scenetta umoristica e la giustificazione del ricorso a un codice mistilingue.
 
Canti e preghiere dal siddur giudeo-provenzale (Ms. Leeds, Brotherton Library, Roth 32): considerazioni linguistiche e stilistiche
Full text linkMs. Brotherton Library (Leeds) Roth 32, copied in Avignon during the XV century, is the only witness of a Judeo-Provençal siddur, the daily and festival Jewish prayer-book. It represents an important source of information not only for the liturgy adopted by XV-century Provençal Jews, but also for Judeo-Provençal language. In this essay, I provide the edition of some unpublished songs and prayers from ms. Roth 32 and I carry out some hypothesis concerning this specific variety of Judeo-Provençal. In particular, I examine the method of translation from Hebrew to Judeo-Provençal, explaining the meaning of some rare or otherwise unattested words: they are neologisms, loanwords (even from Judeo-Arabic)and terms otherwise attested only in Modern Provençal. I also consider the relationship between Judeo-Provençal, as it is attested in the siddur – i.e. the “scholastic” Judeo-Provençal – and some hints of the Provençal which was spoken by XV century Provençal Jews, in order to evidence the diaphasic complexity of this language. Finally, I compare the Judeo-Provençal translation of the Šema‘ Israel to the Judeo-Italian one, in order to introduce new linguistic data in the debate concerning the possible (Judeo-Latin?) common tradition underlying the Judeo-Romance translations of the Bible and the Siddur.Il ms. Roth 32 della Brotherton Library di Leeds, redatto in Provenza alla fine del 1400, è l’unico testimone noto di un siddur (libro ebraico di preghiere) in giudeo-provenzale. Esso costituisce un’importante fonte di informazioni sia sul rito degli ebrei di Provenza nel XV secolo, sia sulla lingua giudeo-provenzale. In questo articolo presento l’edizione di alcuni canti e preghiere conservati nel ms. Roth 32, finora inediti e, sulla base del materiale linguistico offerto, formulo alcune considerazioni di carattere linguistico e stilistico su questa specifica varietà di provenzale. In particolare, analizzo il metodo di traduzione dall’ebraico al giudeo-provenzale, chiarendo il significato di termini rari o non attestati nel provenzale “cristiano” coevo: talvolta si tratterà di neologismi, talvolta di prestiti (persino dal giudeo-arabo), talvolta di termini attestati finora solo nel provenzale moderno; inoltre, considero il rapporto tra il giudeo-provenzale “scolastico” riflesso nel siddur e qualche spia della lingua parlata dagli ebrei dell’epoca, per mettere in evidenza la complessità diafasica di questo idioma. Infine, opero un confronto tra le traduzioni giudeo-provenzale e giudeo-italiana dello shema‘ Israel per trarre qualche considerazione sull’annosa questione che riguarda la comune tradizione delle traduzioni giudeo-romanze e la loro eventuale origine giudeo-latina. Il ms. Roth 32 della Brotherton Library di Leeds, redatto in Provenza alla fine del 1400, è l’unico testimone noto di un siddur (libro ebraico di preghiere) in giudeo-provenzale. Esso costituisce un’importante fonte di informazioni sia sul rito degli ebrei di Provenza nel XV secolo, sia sulla lingua giudeo-provenzale. In questo articolo presento l’edizione di alcuni canti e preghiere conservati nel ms. Roth 32, finora inediti e, sulla base del materiale linguistico offerto, formulo alcune considerazioni di carattere linguistico e stilistico su questa specifica varietà di provenzale. In particolare, analizzo il metodo di traduzione dall’ebraico al giudeo-provenzale, chiarendo il significato di termini rari o non attestati nel provenzale “cristiano” coevo: talvolta si tratterà di neologismi, talvolta di prestiti (persino dal giudeo-arabo), talvolta di termini attestati finora solo nel provenzale moderno; inoltre, considero il rapporto tra il giudeo-provenzale “scolastico” riflesso nel siddur e qualche spia della lingua parlata dagli ebrei dell’epoca, per mettere in evidenza la complessità diafasica di questo idioma. Infine, opero un confronto tra le traduzioni giudeo-provenzale e giudeo-italiana dello shema‘ Israel per trarre qualche considerazione sull’annosa questione che riguarda la comune tradizione delle traduzioni giudeo-romanze e la loro eventuale origine giudeo-latina.
Sant Vicent Ferrer i el Compromís de Casp: de la política dinàstica a la literatura
Full text linkEl present article fa una ullada a la imatge que la historiografia i l'hagiografia van projectar, durant els segles, sobre la participació de sant Vicent Ferrer al Compromís de Casp. El paper polític de sant Vicent va ser projectat amb dimensions sobrenaturals i, a través dels hagiògrafs, va arribar a popularitzar-se, especialment a partir de finals del XVIII. Poques dècades després, amb la institucionalització de la representació de milacres als carrers de València -començant per Vicent Boix-, aquella actuació política arribà ser popular, gràcies a aquell tipus de literatura
Confessions espirituals en la construcció de la reputació de santedat femenina al Segle XVII valencià: favores que Dios hizo a Doña Isabel de Trilles
Full text linkThis contribution aims to make an approach to the figure of the penitent woman and the construction of the reputation of female sanctity in the 17th century framed in Valencian territory, through one of the most common manifestations of the modern era such as the spiritual autobiographies and the writing of confessions under the command of the Confessor. Favores que Dios hizo a Doña Isabel de Trilles, valenciana, escritos por ella misma, y relación de sus virtudes y milagros / por el P. Ginés Berenguer, su confesor, de la Compañía de Jesús, manuscript &-IV-3 Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial, will serve as an example.L’article pretén ser una aproximació a la figura de la dona penitent i a la construcció de la reputació de santedat femenina al segle XVII emmarcada en territori valencià, a través d’una de les manifestacions més habituals d’època moderna com ara les autobiografies espirituals i la posada per escrit de les confessions sota el manament del pare espiritual. El manuscrit &-IV-3 de la Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial amb el títol Favores que Dios hizo a Doña Isabel de Trilles, valenciana, escritos por ella misma, y relación de sus virtudes y milagros / por el P. Ginés Berenguer, su confesor, de la Compañía de Jesús en servirà d’exemple
A humanição do sagrado: devoção, liturgia e imagens no Livro de Horas 50, 1, 016 (Paris, c. 1460)
Full text linkThis article aims to analyze the devotional functions of the illuminations present in the Book of Hours 50, 1, 016. According to the study carried out by the medievalist François Avril, this codex was executed by the Master of Coetivy around 1450 in Paris and is, currently, part of the historical fund of the National Library Foundation of Rio de Janeiro. In this sense, our intention in this article is to present, briefly, the context of creation and popularization of the Books of Hours in medieval Europe and, later, to carry out a case study on the codex in French that belonged to the Casa do Infantado of the Royal Portuguese Library.Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar as funções devocionais das iluminuras presentes no Livro de Horas 50, 1, 016. Segundo o estudo desenvolvido pelo medievalista François Avril, este códice foi executado pelo Mestre de Coetivy por volta de 1450 em Paris e, atualmente, faz parte do fundo histórico da Fundação Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro. Neste sentido, nossa intenção neste artigo é apresentar, brevemente, o contexto de criação e popularização dos Livros de Horas na Europa medieval para, posteriormente, realizarmos um estudo de caso sobre o códice em francês que pertenceu à Casa do Infantado da Real Biblioteca Portuguesa
The Santa Clara Passion panel and the poor clares of Palma de Mallorca: a preliminary report
Full text linkThe large panel painting of the Passion in Palma de Mallorca is an impressive but little-studied work. This essay introduces a long-term, collaborative project that will examine the panel’s religious, historical, and art historical significance. While earlier scholarship has largely focused on questions of dating and stylistic attribution, we also explore possible explanations for the panel’s anomalous style as well as its meanings to the Clarissan nuns of Palma de Mallorca, who, we believe, were the panel’s primary viewers. We argue for the importance of this female community in commissioning the altarpiece and determining its key subjects and themes. These Clares shared with their powerful allies, the Franciscan Order, the papacy, and the royal house of Mallorca, a desire to serve and strengthen Christianity throughout their known world. The nuns could not participate in missionary activity abroad, but close to home were the non-Christian residents of Mallorca. For the nuns of Santa Clara, the presence of Jewish neighbors was especially disturbing. The Mallorca panel of the Passion was primarily devotional; it does not overtly preach through its pictures a Christian supremacy over “infidels”. Nevertheless, the far-reaching goals of the Church and the Franciscans affect the panel in concrete ways, from its Byzantine-inflected style to its unusual attention to the Jews of the Passion story. The large panel painting of the Passion in Palma de Mallorca is an impressive but little-studied work. This essay introduces a long-term, collaborative project that will examine the panel’s religious, historical, and art historical significance. While earlier scholarship has largely focused on questions of dating and stylistic attribution, we also explore possible explanations for the panel’s anomalous style as well as its meanings to the Clarissan nuns of Palma de Mallorca, who, we believe, were the panel’s primary viewers. We argue for the importance of this female community in commissioning the altarpiece and determining its key subjects and themes. These Clares shared with their powerful allies, the Franciscan Order, the papacy, and the royal house of Mallorca, a desire to serve and strengthen Christianity throughout their known world. The nuns could not participate in missionary activity abroad, but close to home were the non-Christian residents of Mallorca. For the nuns of Santa Clara, the presence of Jewish neighbors was especially disturbing. The Mallorca panel of the Passion was primarily devotional; it does not overtly preach through its pictures a Christian supremacy over “infidels”. Nevertheless, the far-reaching goals of the Church and the Franciscans affect the panel in concrete ways, from its Byzantine-inflected style to its unusual attention to the Jews of the Passion story.