Specula (Journal)
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La correspondencia de María de Jesús (1560-1640), el Letradillo de santa Teresa
Full text linkThis research work attempts to interpret the traits of the spiritual life of María de Jesús (1560-1640), a Discalced Carmelite nun in Carmelo de Toledo, the Letradillo de Santa Teresa, based on the correspondence published by Father Joaquín de la Sagrada Familia on the opening of the cause for her canonization, in 1919. The eighty-eight letters that have come from the communication that, for twenty-five years, María de Jesús maintained with the Countess of Arcos, with her secretary, Luis Herrera, and with Andrea de Briones, Beatriz de Jesús, Inés Francos de León and the Countess of Paredes are only a selection of her work. To prevent them from being misunderstood, many texts were destroyed after reading. Other documents could surely be recovered from the archives of the Carmel convents of Ávila, Cuerva, Toledo or Madrid. In any case, although based on somewhat fragmentary assumptions, we will try to point out some supernatural features of María de Jesús to advance in the understanding of one of the most relevant figures of the second generation of Discalced Carmelite writers of the late sixteenth century and the first decades of the seventeenth.Este trabajo de investigación trata de interpretar los rasgos de la vida espiritual de María de Jesús (1560-1640), carmelita descalza en el Carmelo de Toledo, el Letradillo de santa Teresa, a partir de la correspondencia publicada por el padre Joaquín de la Sagrada Familia con motivo de la apertura de la causa para su canonización, en 1919. Las ochenta y ocho cartas que han llegado de la comunicación que, durante veinticinco años, mantuvo María de Jesús con la condesa de Arcos, con su secretario, Luis Herrera, y con Andrea de Briones, Beatriz de Jesús, Inés Francos de León y la condesa de Paredes son solo una selección de su obra. Para evitar que fueran malinterpretados, muchos textos fueron destruidos después de su lectura. Otros documentos, seguramente, podrían recuperarse de los archivos de los Carmelos de Ávila, Cuerva, Toledo o Madrid. En cualquier caso, aunque sostenidos sobre presupuestos algo fragmentarios, trataremos de señalar algunos rasgos sobrenaturales de María de Jesús para avanzar en la comprensión de una de las figuras más relevantes de la segunda generación de carmelitas descalzas escritoras de finales del siglo XVI y las primeras décadas del XVII
Clarisse scrittrici dell’Osservanza tra XV e XVI secolo: Valeria Campanazzi
Full text linkValeria Campanazzi from 1518 to 1577, the year of her death, was a nun of the important monastery of Corpus Domini in Bologna, belonging to the Franciscan Observance, in which the more famous Caterina Vigri had been and of which she was also abbess. She is the author of the book of the Revelations, written in the vernacular, of which an autograph manuscript from the 16th century and a copy from 1680 by the nun Antonia Maria are preserved. Until now only a few pages have been dedicated to Campanazzi by Chiara Augusta Lainati in 1970 and a short article by Marini himself in 2007.
This present study, after a premise on the Franciscan female Observance in Italy, on its main figures, on their works and on the cultural level of those communities, presents Valeria Campanazzi and publishes some excerpts from her Revelations, a spiritual autobiography that shows a marked mystical value of the author (who fully inserts her in the so-called “mystical invasion”), her good level of biblical knowledge and a clear and polemical female conscience in claiming the value of spiritual experience and of the same visions in the face of contempt on the part of scholars and exegetes and indeed a superiority of the light of such revelations in front of the light of wisdom.Valeria Campanazzi dal 1518 al 1577, anno della sua morte, fu monaca dell’importante monastero del Corpus Domini di Bologna, appartenente all’Osservanza francescana, nel quale vi era stata la più nota Caterina Vigri e del quale fu anche badessa. È autrice del Libro delle revelationi, scritto in volgare, di cui si conservano un manoscritto autografo del ‘500 e una copia del 1680 della monaca Antonia Maria. Alla Campanazzi finora sono state dedicate soltanto alcune pagine da Chiara Augusta Lainati nel 1970 e un breve articolo dallo stesso Marini nel 2007.
Questo presente studio, dopo una premessa sull’Osservanza femminile francescana in Italia, sulle sue principali figure, sulle loro opere e sul livello culturale di quelle comunità, presenta Valeria Campanazzi e pubblica alcuni brani del suo Libro delle revelationi, un’autobiografia spirituale che mostra una spiccata valenza mistica dell’autrice (che la inserisce a pieno titolo nella cosiddetta “invasione mistica”), un suo buon livello di conoscenza biblica e una coscienza femminile chiara e polemica nel rivendicare il valore dell’esperienza spirituale e delle stesse visioni di fronte al disprezzo da parte degli studiosi ed esegeti e anzi una superiorità del lume di tali rivelazioni di fronte al lume della sapienza.ñññ
Benedicto XIII, el Papa Luna (1394-1423). Nuevas perspectivas 600 años después de su muerte
Full text linkThe commemoration of the 600th anniversary of the death of Pope Benedict XIII of Avignon (1494-1423), better known as Pope Luna, has brought about a considerable historiographic update about his biography, conceived more than ever as a privileged observatory of Europe in the 14th-15th centuries. As a result of said anniversary, the Government of Aragon has organized an exhibition on Pope Luna at the Alma Mater Museum of the Archbishopric of Zaragoza (March 31-July 2, 2023) with the publication of a catalog book that contains various studies that offer new perspectives of research. Likewise, the municipalities of Illueca and Peñíscola, places where he was born and died respectively, have jointly declared 2023 as "Papa Luna Year" promoting the development of academic activities. The Fernando el Católico Institution of Zaragoza has also adhered to the commemoration of his death by organizing a research seminar with the latest developments that are taking place around his history, the proceedings of which will allow the publication of a new book. This article aims to explain what are the new perspectives with which we study the figure of Pope Benedict XIII in the 21st century, through what unpublished documentation we are doing it, and to what extent all this has changed the historiographical road map that it existed almost thirty years ago, when the sixth centenary of his election as pontiff of Avignon was celebrated in 1994.La conmemoración del 600 aniversario de la muerte del pontífice Benedicto XIII de Aviñón (1394-1423), conocido popularmente como el papa Luna, ha supuesto una actualización historiográfica considerable sobre su biografía, concebida más que nunca como un observatorio privilegiado de la Europa de los siglos XIV-XV. Este artículo plantea algunas de las nuevas perspectivas con que se estudia hoy la figura del papa Benedicto XIII como, por ejemplo, la posibilidad de recrear su muerte y extraer ADN de su cráneo reconocido como bien de interés cultural; la prehistoria de su trayectoria antes de convertirse en papa; la prosopografía de los cardenales y las elites eclesiásticas que le asesoraron y apoyaron; la acción política que llevó a cabo en la Corona de Aragón más allá de intervenir en el desenlace del Compromiso de Caspe; o las fuentes de financiación y el patrimonio material con que contaba para mantener su pontificado. Son líneas de investigación sugerentes que marcan novedades respecto a las que hubo hace treinta años, cuando en 1994 se conmemoró el sexto centenario de su elección como pontífice de Aviñón
Monache di area francescana: qualche riflessione non soltanto lessicale
Full text linkThe article discusses some current historiographical concepts on pauperes moniales inclusae and on the Order of San Damiano, analyzing hagiographic and liturgical sources and considering the data of recent research on female monasteries. Although the initiative for a new aggregation of female monasteries is due to Cardinal Ugolino of Ostia (later Pope Gregory IX, 1227-1241), it is difficult to deny that, starting as early as the end of the third decade of the thirteenth century, in the works of the Friars Minor there was talk of the second Order initiated by Francis of Assisi, of which Clare was the first plant. The documentation on the monasteries shows, then, that not only Clare and a few other nuns felt connected to the Minors, even if the practical conception of poverty was different among the nuns. Lastly, recent studies have shown that various cloistered communities refused the passage to the Ordo Sanctae Clarae in 1263, maintaining the old Ugolino’s formula vitae and the Ordo Sancti Damiani denomination throughout the thirteenth and early decades of the fourteenth century. It is therefore correct to speak of nuns in the Franciscan area.
L’articolo discute alcune concezioni storiografiche correnti sulle pauperes moniales inclusae e sull’Ordine di San Damiano, analizzando fonti agiografiche e liturgiche e considerando i dati di recenti ricerche sui monasteri femminili. Anche se l’iniziativa di una nuova aggregazione di monasteri femminili si deve al cardinale Ugolino di Ostia (poi papa Gregorio IX, 1227-1241), è difficile negare che nel corso degli anni, a partire già dalla fine del terzo decennio del Duecento, nelle opere dei frati Minori si parlasse di secondo Ordine iniziato da Francesco d’Assisi, di cui Chiara era la prima pianta. La documentazione sui monasteri mostra, poi, che non soltanto Chiara e poche altre monache si sentissero legate ai Minori, anche se la concezione pratica della povertà fosse tra loro diversa. Recenti studi, infine, hanno dimostrato che varie comunità claustrali rifiutarono il passaggio all’Ordo Sanctae Clarae nel 1263, mantenendo per tutto il Duecento e nei primi decenni del Trecento la vecchia formula vitae di Ugolino e la denominazione di Ordo Sancti Damiani. Risulta quindi corretto parlare di monache di area francescana
Libros que se salvaron de la quema: la exégesis bíblica y la reivindicación femenina en Valentina Pinelo, la Cuarta Gracia de Lope de Vega
Full text linkFollowing the feminine literary tradition that has developed in Spanish since the fifteenth century –one of whose greatest exponents was Teresa de Cartagena, and later in the seventeenth century María Jesús de Ágreda, Santa Teresa de Jesús, Gregoria Francisca de Santa Teresa and Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz–, Valentina Pinelo, an Augustinian nun from the monastery of San Leandro in Seville, published in 1601 a biblical exegesis and hagiography in prose about Saint Anne, the mother of the Virgin Mary, claiming the matrilineage of Jesus of Nazareth. In that same work, he assured that he not only began to write it at the end of the 16th century, but also dared with poetry, composing a songbook that is now lost and for which Lope de Vega baptized it as “the Fourth Grace”. In addition, he received censorship from an anonymous person, but his work was not finally withdrawn by the Holy Office, nor was he even prosecuted or questioned for it, as occurred in the case of the trials against Teresa de Ávila, María Jesús de Ágreda and Juana Ines de la Cruz. Therefore, in this article we will try to elucidate the possible reasons why Valentina Pinelo's work was not finally banned by the Inquisition.Siguiendo la tradición literaria femenina que se desarrolla en castellano desde el siglo XV –uno de cuyos máximos exponentes fue Teresa de Cartagena, y posteriormente en el XVII María Jesús de Ágreda, Santa Teresa de Jesús, Gregoria Francisca de Santa Teresa y Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz–, Valentina Pinelo, monja agustina del monasterio de San Leandro de Sevilla, publicó en 1601 una exégesis bíblica y hagiografía en prosa sobre Santa Ana, la madre de la Virgen María, reivindicando el matrilinaje de Jesús de Nazaret. En esa misma obra aseguró que no sólo empezó a escribirla a finales del XVI, sino que también se atrevió con la poesía componiendo un cancionero hoy día perdido y por el que Lope de Vega la bautizó como “la Cuarta Gracia”. Además, recibió la censura de un anónimo, pero su obra finalmente no fue retirada por el Santo Oficio, ni llegó siquiera a ser procesada ni interrogada por ello, como ocurrió en el caso de los procesos contra Teresa de Ávila, María Jesús de Ágreda y Juana Inés de la Cruz. Por tanto, intentaremos en este artículo dilucidar las posibles causas de por qué la obra de Valentina Pinelo no fue finalmente prohibida por la Inquisición
Pauvreté volontaire et gestion de la pauvreté. La situation économique des frères et des moniales de l’ordre dominicain en Toscane (1350-1450)
Full text linkThe question of voluntary poverty has been present in the history of mendicant orders since their foundation. This article explores, through the study of practical sources (account registers) of Dominican convents and monasteries in Tuscany, the effective application of this poverty, and its interpretation. The examination of these documents highlights the networks of relationships created by the exercise of poverty: economic and spiritual links that unite friars and nuns, communities of regulars and pious establishments (hospitals), religious and laity. Moreover, by crossing the point of view of friars and nuns, but also of observants and conventuals, this article highlights the variety of interpretations of the notion of poverty within the Dominican order, and its evolution.La question de la pauvreté volontaire traverse l’histoire des ordres mendiants depuis leur fondation. Cet article explore, à travers l’étude des sources pratiques (registres de comptes) des couvents et monastères dominicains de Toscane, l’application effective de cette pauvreté, et son interprétation. L’examen de ces documents met avant tout en évidence les réseaux de relations que crée l’exercice de la pauvreté : des liens économiques et spirituels qui unissent les frères et les moniales, les communautés de réguliers et les établissements pieux (hôpitaux), les religieux et les laïcs. De plus, en croisant le point de vue des frères et des moniales, mais aussi des observants et des conventuels, cet article met en évidence la variété des interprétations de la notion de pauvreté au sein de l’ordre dominicain, et ses évolutions.La question de la pauvreté volontaire traverse l’histoire des ordres mendiants depuis leur fondation. Cet article explore, à travers l’étude des sources pratiques (registres de comptes) des couvents et monastères dominicains de Toscane, l’application effective de cette pauvreté, et son interprétation. L’examen de ces documents met avant tout en évidence les réseaux de relations que crée l’exercice de la pauvreté : des liens économiques et spirituels qui unissent les frères et les moniales, les communautés de réguliers et les établissements pieux (hôpitaux), les religieux et les laïcs. De plus, en croisant le point de vue des frères et des moniales, mais aussi des observants et des conventuels, cet article met en évidence la variété des interprétations de la notion de pauvreté au sein de l’ordre dominicain, et ses évolutions
El renovado arte de la miniatura toledana a principios del siglo XVI: Francisco de Comontes y el Evangeliario de Tavera
Full text linkThe Castilian miniature underwent an important transformation process from the beginning of the 16th century. A set of aesthetic elements announced the permeability of new decorative models all’antica, particularly in those codices created for the elites of the kingdom and the main episcopal sees. The Cathedral of Toledo had in those years a cultural and economic role that allowed it to star in the renovation processes, to which foreign and local painters contributed, among which we highlight Francisco de Comontes for his unknown contribution to the Toledo miniature at the beginning of the 16th century. In the same way, the patronage work of the Toledo archbishops consolidated during those years the constant adaptation of the capitular heritage to the European artistic context, in particular to the models coming from the Italian territories. Following the new decorative programs was produced the Toledo Gospel Book, commissioned under the episcopate of Cardinal Juan Pardo Tavera (1534-1545) and preserved in the Toledo Chapter Archive (ms. 56.11). The codice shows the loss of the patterns of flamenco art that had starred in the Castilian miniature.La miniatura castellana vivió un notable proceso de transformación desde principios del siglo XVI. Un conjunto de evidencias estéticas anunciaba la permeabilidad de nuevos modelos decorativos all’antica, particularmente expresados en aquellos volúmenes elaborados para las élites del reino y las principales sedes episcopales. La Catedral de Toledo gozaba por aquellos años de un protagonismo cultural y económico que le permitió abanderar abundantes ejercicios de renovación, a lo que contribuyeron pintores foráneos y locales, entre los que destacamos a Francisco de Comontes por su aportación, poco conocida, a la miniatura toledana de principios del Quinientos. De igual modo, la labor de mecenazgo de los prelados toledanos consolidó durante las primeras décadas de la centuria la constante adaptación del patrimonio capitular al contexto artístico europeo, en particular a las nuevas corrientes procedentes de los territorios italianos. Al hilo de los nuevos programas decorativos, se forjó la elaboración del Evangeliario de Toledo, encargado bajo el episcopado del cardenal Juan Pardo Tavera (1534-1545) y conservado en el Archivo Capitular de la seo primada (ms. 56.11), en el que empiezan a disiparse las pautas de influjo flamenco que, hasta la fecha, habían protagonizado el arte de la miniatura castellana
Términos, textos y contextos de una polémica vital: lecturas e interpretaciones entrecruzadas de Miguel Servet y Juan Calvino
Full text linkThe two characters whose names appear in the title of this article, Michael Servetus and John Calvin, to which a third name must be added –Sebastian Castellio (in French, Sébastien Châteillon or Castellion)–, were contemporaries, they knew each other, met each other and exchanged texts: their own texts –those written by them– and their interpretations –those they made of the texts written by the other two. Our intention is to show how the writings of these characters reflect their thoughts and actions with respect to a specific fact: death as punishment, the defence or criticism that death can be a degree on the scale of punishment for a sin, a mistake, a fault. Without losing this perspective, philological practice becomes, for them, not only a working method, but also a vital commitment. Some of the terms and expressions used in the polemic between Servetus, Calvin and Castellio are particularly significant, and it is not by chance that they are retained or not in the cross-quotations and contextual expositions.Los dos personajes cuyo nombre se lee en el título del presente trabajo, Miguel Servet y Juan Calvino, al que se debe añadir un tercer nombre –Sebastián Castelio (en francés, Sébastien Châteillon o Castellion), fueron contemporáneos, se conocieron, se trataron e intercambiaron textos: sus propios textos –los escritos por ellos mismos– y sus interpretaciones –las que realizaron de los textos debidos a los otros dos–. Nuestra intención es mostrar cómo, en esos escritos, se refleja el pensamiento y el modo de actuación de cada uno con respecto a un hecho concreto: la muerte como castigo, la defensa o la crítica de que la muerte pueda ser un grado en la escala de punición de un pecado, de un error, de una falta. Sin perder esa perspectiva, la práctica filológica se erige, para ellos, no solo en un método de trabajo, sino en un compromiso vital. Algunos de los términos y de las expresiones empleados en la polémica surgida entre Servet, Calvino y Castelio resultan especialmente significativos, y no es fruto del azar que sean conservados o no en las citas cruzadas y en las exposiciones que sirven de contexto