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European Migrant Integration Policy: From Standardising Measures for European Union Countries to Integration Service Based on Social Scientific Knowledge
Get PDFČlanak prikazuje i analizira temeljne dokumente Europske unije o integraciji migranata te na temelju postojećih društvenoznanstvenih rasprava, posebice novijih socioloških koncepata i istraživanja društvenih procesa koji uključuju migrante, nastoji ponuditi relevantniji okvir za angažman institucija Europske unije u tim procesima. Autori analiziraju dosadašnje kritike europske integracijske politike nastale u okvirima društvenih znanosti te upućuju na relevantnost suvremenih socioloških koncepata i istraživanja procesa integracije migranata za formuliranje pragmatičnog pristupa Europske unije migrantskoj integraciji. »Nadraznolikost« (»superdiversity«), segmentirana integracija i jačanje transnacionalnih veza migranata pokazuju da je pretpostavljeno holističko integriranje migrantskih populacija u koliziji s društvenom stvarnosti višedimenzionalne prilagodbe migrantskih i nemigrantskih populacija etničkim, demografskim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i drugim promjenama u urbanom kontekstu suvremenih europskih društava. Autori zaključuju da umjesto standardiziranja mjera integracije za nacije-države na nadnacionalnom nivou, Europska unija valja ponuditi bitno pragmatičniji pristup integraciji migranata utemeljen na relevantnim spoznajama društvenih znanosti, ali i konkretnim »terenskim iskustvima« istraživača, praktičara, migrantskih organizacija i lokalnih vlasti.The article presents and analyses the core European Union documents on migrant integration. On the basis of existing discussions within the social sciences, in particular more recent sociological concepts and studies of social processes involving migrants, the article aims to provide a more relevant framework for the European Union institutions’ engagement in these processes. The authors analyse the criticism of European migrant integration policy stemming from social sciences and indicate the relevance of contemporary sociological concepts and research on the process of migrant integration for formulating a more pragmatic approach of the European Union to migrant integration. “Superdiversity”, segmented integration and strengthening of transnational ties of migrants show that a holistic integration of migrant populations collides with the social reality of multidimensional adaptation of migrant and non-migrant populations to ethnic, demographic, economic, cultural and other changes in the urban context of contemporary European societies. The authors concluded that, instead of standardising integration measures for nation-states at a supranational level, the European Union should offer a more pragmatic approach to migrant integration based on relevant insights from social sciences as well as concrete “field experience” of researchers, practitioners, migrant organisations and local authorities
BRENDIRANJE OTOKA U SVRHU JAČANJA LOKANIH OTOČNIH IDENTITETA: STUDIJA SLUČAJA HVARA
Get PDFThe paper sheds light on the relations between the main tourism hotspots and the peripheral areas on the island of Hvar by analysing the process of destination image formation through the past and present promotional activities. It critically analyses identities of island towns and villages in order to provide the basis for the first stage of the four-stage destination branding process. The study reviews the literature on tourism destination branding, branding of islands and adopts diachronic approach, historical method and descriptive analysis. The findings show that the image of the island is focused primarily on the town of Hvar. The island of Hvar has a fragmented destination image that is not based on actual and local island particularities. The authors propose branding as a tool for creating a coherent destination image built upon the island’s uniqueness and consequently reinforce local island identities in order to provide diverse tourism offer.Radom se pojašnjavaju odnosi između glavnih otočnih turističkih središta i periferije otoka Hvara analizirajući proces kreiranja destinacijskog imidža putem prošlih i sadašnjih promotivnih aktivnosti. Kritički se analiziraju identiteti otočnih gradova i sela kako bi se pružila osnova za prvu od četiri faze procesa destinacijskog brendiranja. U radu se daje pregled literature u području brendiranja turističkih destinacija, brendiranja otoka te se koristi povijesni pristup kao i metoda te deskriptivna analiza u svrhu proučavanja promotivnih aktivnosti cijelog otoka i njegovih pet naselja. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali da se imidž otoka temelji na imidžu grada Hvara. Otok Hvar posjeduje fragmentirani destinacijski imidž koji se ne temelji na stvarnim i lokalnim posebnostima. Autori predlažu brendiranje kao alat za stvaranje dosljednog destinacijskog imidža temeljenog na otočnoj jedinstvenosti i posljedično jačanju lokalnih otočnih identiteta u svrhu stvaranja raznovrsne turističke ponude
Contribution to the Croatian boundary shaping in historical and contemporary perspective
Get PDFAutorice se bave određenim aspektima oblikovanja granica u prošlosti i suvremenosti na prostorima današnje Hrvatske iz sociološke i povijesne perspektive. Nastoje kontekstualizirati neke okolnosti pod kojima se granice između zemalja uspostavljaju, održavaju i mijenjaju. Granice se obično konstruiraju kako bi isključivale Druge i/ili strance, a kao društveni proizvod čije se značenje s vremenom mijenja one uvijek određuju pripadnost. One se s jedne strane tiču ograničenja, podjela, konflikata i isključivanja između etničkih/nacionalnih skupina, ali i procesa proširivanja, uključivanja i redefiniranja u skladu s političkim interesima na lokalnim, regionalnim, nacionalnim i nadnacionalnim razinama. Upotrebom interdisciplinarnog pristupa u komparativnoj perspektivi preispituju se uloge i značenja rubnosti hrvatskih granica u ranom novom vijeku, kada su, gotovo na istim mjestima kao i danas, granice predstavljale civilizacijsku periferiju i konfesionalno definiranu barijeru prema Drugome (Antemurale Christianitatis). Provedena analiza pokazala je da uloga granice Republike Hrvatske, među ostalim, pridonosi obrani Fortress Europe (Šengenskog područja) od neregularnih migracija, odnosno migranata kao Drugih. U radu je na izabranim slučajevima utvrđeno da političke elite, ovisno o svojim interesima, oblikuju i upravljaju granicom, čineći je (ne)propusnom za kretanje kapitala, usluga i ljudi. Pritom je svakodnevica lokalnog stanovništva na granici često bila, a i danas jest u opreci s proklamiranim politikama ograničenja nametnutima odozgo, pretvarajući granicu od prepreke u mjesto razmjene i suradnje. S druge strane, pokazalo se da fragmentacija europskog prostora i jačanje nacionalnih interesa umjesto proklamiranom idealu „Europa bez granica“ vodi osnaživanju „Europe granica“.The authors deal with selected aspects of past and present border shaping processes in Croatia, regarding its sociological and historical perspective. Some circumstances under which the boundaries between countries are established, maintained and changed are discussed. As socially constructed phenomena, the boundaries change their meaning over time, aiming to exclude the Others and/or Strangers and to determine the belonging. They are under ambivalent pressure of limitations, divisions, conflicts and exclusions on ethnic or national level on one hand and under impact of the enlarging processes, inclusions and political interests on local, regional, national and supranational levels, on the other hand. Such a comparative interdisciplinary approach reveals liminal character and importance of Croatian borders which, positioned at almost same places as today, were in the Early Modern Period perceived as the civilization edge (e.g. Antemurale Christianitatis) and confessional barrier towards the Other. The analisys showed that the role of Croatian borders is apparently, among the others, to strengthen the defence of the Fortress Europe (Schengen area) from the irregular migrants and migrants as the Others. On selected cases the paper examined how do political elites manage to shape the borders and make it (non) permeable for the movement of goods, services and people, depending on their interests. While the certain policies were imposed from above, everyday practices of local population were usually opposed and still happen to oppose proclaimed limitation, turning the boundary from the barrier to the place of exchange and cooperation. Simultaneously, the fragmentation of European space and strengthening of national interests leads to stronger “Europe of borders” instead of the proclaimed ideal of “Europe without borders”
National Minorities in an Ethnic Situation: an Essay in Epistemology of Social Sciences
Get PDFPolazeći od Luhmannove naturalizirane konstruktivističke epistemologije i interakcionističkih teorija situacije, razvija se pojam etničke situacije. Autor pokazuje kako operacije društvenih i psihičkih sistema proizvode, održavaju i transformiraju etničke situacije, kako definiranje situacije motivira ponašanje njezinih sudionika i kako dijalektika promatrača (nekog stupnja promatranja) i situacije generira opise, diskurse i poglede na svijet. Na temelju sistemsko-teorijskih pretpostavki razvija se teorija promatranja etničke situacije kao pojma konstruiranog promatračevim teorijskim aparatom.The fundamental problem of a systematic sociological approach to the issue of “ethnic situations” and of this research may be summarised as the following question: how do the operations of social and psychological systems generate, maintain, and transform ethnic situations? In this paper, the problem is divided into several issues, all belonging to the domain of social epistemology: first, what is an observation point and in what way do ethnic groups transform into national minorities?; second, the sociological concept of a situation; third, observation and ethnic situation; fourth, mutual observation and identity construction; fifth, an external observer – the state; sixth, the EU as an external observer of the national state in an ethnic situation. Starting from Luhmann’s principle according to which a system is constructed and maintained through observation, using the processes of differentiation and signification, the paper pays special attention to the descriptions and self-descriptions of the observer (both within the situation and beyond), and their logical grouping in the systems of classification of human collectivities, discourses, world views and constructions of different identities. Such an approach is the source of the basic research programme (method) of a systematic approach, in which the mentioned transformations of ethnic groups are not a consequence of cultural differences between them, but arise from a cognitive process in which the observers produce differences by means of differentiation. The concepts in social sciences are first and foremost observational devices determining what we observe and how we do it. This research focusses on the mutual relationship between observers, observation and observation subjects (ethnic groups) within an ethnic situation. It is within the limits of epistemology of social sciences. The persuasiveness of a positivist vision of sociology, according to which the application of clearly defined methodological postulates ensures true understanding of the social world, has generally retreated in the face of a reasonable principle stating that every branch of sociology must consider the dialectics of internal and external observation. That is, the relationship between the meanings immanent in an observed community and the sociological insight, and the researcher’s (observer’s) prior knowledge that emerges from their life situation and their theory. Related to this issue is the obsolescence of the theory of knowledge that starts from differentiation between the concepts of opinion/being, knowledge/object, subject/object. Its place is partly occupied by the “constructivist naturalised epistemology” – a detranscendentalised epistemology that primarily deals with physical, biological, psychological and social conditions of knowledge. All subjects of observation are constructions. However, they are not mere fantasies, but have a foothold in the reality of the social situation in which science as a system of society is found together with the individual scientist/observer as a member of the “republic of scholars” (Berger and Kellner, 1991: 62). The concepts of ethnicity, ethnic group and national minorities discussed in the paper show the constructed nature of the so called sociological objects and their foundation in the situation. All of these concepts refer to the same object of observation – groups of people in a particular situation being observed. Consideration of the history of the social situation concept allows us to develop a reference framework for the ethnic situation. Concreteness, location, timing and the number of participants are the key elements of the reference framework serving as the starting point for the construction of a theoretical concept of ethnic situation. Due to required concreteness, the categories of space and time are essential: how the actors perceive them, how they share and organise them, what they do with them, how they use them to overlap, converge and coordinate their individual actions. A systematic sociological theory as an observer distinguishes between a social system (interactive and communicative) and its environment, i.e. the situation. Social system actors may be seen as individuals or collectivities. Aspects of a personality system also include ethnicity, so individuals may be seen as elements of (ethnic) social groups. During the process of mutual observation, individuals (ethnic groups) generate descriptions of other groups (labelling, typing, stereotyping) and self-descriptions. Due to different angles of observation, collective subuniverses of meaning are formed – mostly conflicting ones. The situation also includes second-level observers, the social systems which Luhmann refers to as organisations (e.g. the state, the European Union) or differentiated functional systems (science, school system, market, family). In a way, collective and individual actors possess awareness of the complexity of their ethnic situation and direct their actions accordingly. From their perspective, the situation can also be a resource for achieving the actor’s goals. Sociology can and should analyse the observers of ethnic situations – organisations and functional systems, by analysing the differentiation codes that second-level observes use in their observation. Looking from a third-level perspective, second-level observers are also part of the ethnic situation. By generating its sociological descriptions, sociology itself becomes part of the situation both for participants and for other observers. The notion that there is no dominant point of observation is essential to Luhmann’s observation paradigm. The functional differentiation of society causes the emergence of special observation devices: science, the state, mass media, art. Descriptions, discourses and world views arising from different observation points are organised and selected into topics. Anything can become a topic of communication in a situation. Descriptions and situations make up a structural union of the social system and environment. According to the double hermeneutic model, they operate as circular self-referential and hetero-referential structures – observation constructs the situation, while the situation constructs the observer. Objects of observation can only be understood as components of differentiation, not as something that is meaningful for itself. All distinctions lose their unquestionable self-evidentness and must be understood as contingent conditions of observation and signification. That means that society’s self-description can be redirected from the question of what to the question of how. In that case, the problem is not what society is, but how it is described, who describes it and by which distinctions. From the viewpoint of Luhmann’s definition of observation, it is evident that the ethnic situation results from the interplay between internal and external observations and definitions. The distinction between the internal and external definition enables the observation of an ethnic situation from several different points of view or levels of analysis. From the perspective of a second-level observer, science can construct and observe ethnic situations at the level of mutual presence in everyday life, at state level, at the level of state relations or globally at the level of supranational entities such as the European Union. The aim of such an approach is to show how micro-situations are transformed into macro ones and vice versa. Another research programme includes the observation of observers and their differentiation codes, descriptions, categorisation and classification systems. They allow for the understanding of mechanisms used by the observational devices wielding power to define the ethnic situations and processes through which the “micro-physics of power” is manifested in ethnic situations. From this follows Luhmann’s methodological instruction – observe the observers and their descriptions of a situation. The orientation and motivation of individuals within an “ethnic situation” is regulated by cognitive, affective and moral programmes of ethnic institutions. These programmes cause and deepen the divides separating them from other ethnic groups, thus consolidating their ethnic identity. Cognition programmes provide individuals with knowledge of themselves, knowledge of their own group, group heritage and history (which sometimes comes down to certain selected “aspects of the past”) as well as knowledge of the values of the individual’s group. The moral programme implies the existence of group commitments, for example the importance of learning the ethnic language, of passing on moral values to the descendants, endogamy and solidarity with members of one’s own ethnic group. The affective program of ethnic identity “covers” the feelings of attachment to a group. Therefore, it can be argued that institutions, especially ethnic ones, are the creators and guardians of knowledge needed by their members to survive as a group. Existing institutionalized internal definitions can provide defence against the imposition of external ones. The experience of categorisation and classification can strengthen the existing group identity by providing resistance, reactions and deepening the divides. The modern state is another external observer that influences the constitution of an ethnic situation. The state is an organisation holding legitimate power to observe, oversee, count, categorise and classify the population, and thus influence the formation of ethnic identities and the transformation of the ethnic situation. The modern ethnic situation, a complex configuration of ethnic group’s positions and relationships, is a result of operation of various state and ideological devices, wars and ethnic conflicts. However, today it differs in terms of qualitative features from the ethnic situations that had preceded it, and for two reasons. First, the ethnic situation took on its modern form of the “majority/minority” due to the emergence of national states. It does not come down to a mere numerical relationship, but to a relationship of power. The state definitely belongs to someone, it is somebody’s national state. The European Union as a third-level observer watches the national states. With its institutionalised procedures for observing and evaluating the activities of the observed, primarily the candidate countries, it strongly influences the changes of the ethnic situation by providing different definitions of it. Additionally, the European definition of a situation directly changes the understanding of the sovereignty of the national state, the configuration of power relationships between ethnic groups, and indirectly their identity. The very complexity of the European ethnic situation arises from a multiverse of these observational perspectives and descriptions. Western ideas, technology, forms of organisation of society and economy, ways of waging modern wars, ideologies, ideological devices of coercion, ideas and organisation of modern state administration with its methods of classifying, categorising and counting the population, observing and describing others and creating discourses about them – all of these have in a sense influenced the shaping and transformation of the European ethnic situation. A modern ethnic situation is a complex configuration of the position and relationship between ethnic groups and the state in the spatial-temporal context observed. The presented draft of the theory of observation, observers and ethnic situation serves as a possible approach to ethnic groups, nations and national minorities. Its validity can be determined if the interpretative capabilities of these complex phenomena are proven. If we agree that the world, especially modern, is not perceived by senses or by entering it to obtain data, but is always mediated by some means of transmission or dissemination medium, then the programme of observing the observer seems to make sense. An important epistemological question posed by the paper is the following: does starting from the notion of ethnic situation open a possibility of more theoretically based research and interpretation of ethnic relations
Transnacionalizem in multikulturalizem: intelektualna slepa ulica ali poti nadaljnjega raziskovanja?
Get PDFConsidering the assumption of the continuing importance of both transnationalism and multiculturalism, the aim is to discuss the two notions and explore their relations within the broader field of migration studies. Even though both concepts present popular keywords in academic literature, they are rarely assessed and researched together. Therefore the article sketches out possible paths for further research, involving intersections between transnationalism and multiculturalism. The first two parts of the paper discuss migrant transnationalism and multiculturalism, including their definitions, different approaches and criticisms. After comparing the two concepts and discussing their similarities and differences, possible paths for further research on multiculturalism and transnationalism are outlined, based on a differentiation between the two notions at a theoretical, public policy and social practice level. Transnationalism and multiculturalism do not lead to an intellectual cul-de-sac, but offer many potentially rewarding paths for further research.Glede na stalni pomen obeh pojmov, tako transnacionalizma kot multikulturalizma, ju v članku obravnavamo v povezavi z migracijskimi študijami. Članek oriše možne poti za nadaljnje raziskovanje, kakor tudi presečišče obeh pojmov. V prvih dveh delih obravnava transnacionalizem in multikulturalizem migrantov, skupaj z definicijami, različnimi pristopi in kritiko obeh pojmov. Po primerjavi obeh konceptov, skupaj z njunimi podobnostmi in razlikami, so podane možnosti nadaljnjega raziskovanja multikulturalizma in transnacionalizma, ki temeljijo na razlikovanju med njima na ravni teorije, javne politike in socialne prakse. Transnacionalizem in multikulturalizem ne vodita v intelektualno slepo ulico, ampak ponujata številne obetavne poti nadaljnjega raziskovanja
Prevjeravanja pravoslavnih Srba u Goričkom arhiđakonatu (Karlovac i okolica) između 1941. i 1945. godine
Get PDFNa te melju arhivske građe iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva i Nadbiskupskog arhiva u Zagrebu, te dostupne literature, autor u radu iznosi informacije o prevjeravanju Srba na području Karlovca i okoline između 1941. i 1945. godine. Pravoslavni Srbi su pristajali na pokatoličavanje zato da bi sačuvali život i svoju imovinu, odnosno zato da ne bi bili prisilno iseljeni u Srbiju. U navedenom periodu na području kotara Karlovac, Jastrebarsko i dijelova kotara Vojnić prevjereno je na rimokatoličku vjeroispo vijest najmanje 7.870 osoba. Nakon lipnja 1942, odnosno nakon uspostave Hrvatske pravoslavne crkve, masovno prevjeravanje na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest uglavnom je prestalo. Međutim, ni pravoslavno stanovništvo koje je pokatoličeno nije uvijek uspjelo izbjeći prisilna iseljavanja, interniranja i stradavanja u masovnim pogromima
Conversions from the Orthodox to the Roman Catholic Religion in the Period between 1941 and 1945 in the Požega District
Get PDFAutor u tekstu na temelju arhivske građe, literature i objavljenih izvora donosi podatke o vjerskim prijelazima pravoslavnih na rimokatoličku vjeru na području Požeškog arhiđakonata između 1941. i 1945. godine. Nakon uvodnog dijela o odnosu Rimokatoličke crkve i Nezavisne Države Hrvatske bavi se statističkim pokazateljima broja prijavljenih prijelaznika na području Požeškog arhiđakonata na temelju poimeničnih popisa iz Nadbiskupskog državnog arhiva. Posebno se bavi skupnim/masovnim vjerskim prijelazima koji su poduzimani tijekom jeseni i zime 1941./1942., a koji su provedeni na područjima župa Skenderovci, Požeške Sesvete, Požega, Jakšić, Pleternica, Požeški Brestovac i Ruševo. U cjelini koja se bavi pojedinačnim vjerskim prijelazima zaključuje kako je pojedinačnih vjerskih prijelaza bilo najviše među nacionalno i vjerski mješovitim brakovima, osobito na području Župe Požega. Usprkos brojki od 4.057 podnositelja molbe za prijelaz, zaključuje na temelju arhivske građe kako je prijelaznika bilo mnogo više, njih oko 9.000, ali kako jedan dio njih nije poimenično popisan.The author provides information on conversions from the Orthodox to the Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic religions in the Požega Archdeaconry in the period between 1941 and 1945. In the introductory section, the author provides information about the tensions between the Roman Catholic Church and the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the conflict between the Roman Catholic Church and the Independent State of Croatia as a country in the field of religious conversion during the second half of 1941. Following the introduction, the author deals with the statistical data regarding the number of applicants for conversion in the Požega Archdeaconry, based on lists kept at the Episcopal State Archives. The author in particular deals with mass religious conversions that took place during the autumn and winter of 1941/1942, which were conducted in the parishes of Skenderovci, Požeške Sesvete, Požega, Jakšić, Pleternica, Požeški Brestovac, and Ruševo. The third part of the paper deals with individual religious conversions; the conclusion is that the majority of individual religious conversions took place among ethnically and religiously mixed marriages, particularly in the Požega parish
Religious Conversions from Orthodoxy to Roman Catholicism and Greek Catholicism in the Archdeaconry of Čazma between 1941 and 1945
Get PDFU tekstu se donose podaci o vjerskim prijelazima na području Čazmanskog arhiđakonata, koji je obuhvaćao najveći dio Moslavine i manji dio Bilogore. Na tome je području do Drugoga svjetskog rata živjelo oko 17.000 pravoslavnih Srba, koji su činili približno 14% sveukupnog stanovništva. Nakon uspostave NDH ustaše su počeli provoditi teror nad srpskim stanovništvom. Istaknutiji Srbi otpremani su u zatvore i logore, a dio onih koji su uhićeni tijekom travnja i svibnja 1941. stradao je u logoru Jadovno na Velebitu. Tijekom srpnja, kolovoza i rujna 1941. na području Moslavine i Bilogore provedena su uhićenja i organizirana prisilna iseljavanja Srba preko logora Bjelovar, Caprag i Požega u Srbiju. Istovremeno s tim događajima, u proljeće i ljeto 1941. počeli su i vjerski prijelazi s pravoslavne na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest. U tekstu se pokušavaju na temelju izvorne arhivske građe iz Nadbiskupijskog arhiva u Zagrebu i Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva donijeti zaključci o broju osoba koje su podnijele molbu za prijelaz s pravoslavne na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest. Na temelju poimeničnih popisa dolazi se do zaključka da je najmanje 3271 osoba tražila prijelaz s pravoslavne na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest, s time da je najveći broj njih prijelaz zatražio od Nadbiskupskoga duhovnog stola na početku 1942. Analiziraju se i pojedinačni prijelazi, odnosno razlozi zbog kojih su pojedinci prelazili s pravoslavne na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest, s naglaskom na masovnim vjerskim prijelazima poput onih koji su zabilježeni i za koje nam postoje popisi prekrštenih, kao onaj u Kaniškoj Ivi i selima oko Kaniške Ive. Autor se bavi i masovnim vjerskim prijelazima za koje nemamo poimenično popisane prijelaznike, kao na primjer onaj u novoosnovanoj prijelazničkoj župi Mikleuška. Kao posebni aspekt promatraju se i prijelazi na grkokatoličku vjeroispovijest (Veliki Zdenci i okolica Čazme) te razlozi zbog kojih državne vlasti nisu željele da pravoslavni vjernici prelaze na grkokatoličku vjeroispovijest. Na temelju izvještaja pojedinih župnika zaključuje se da prijelazi na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest u većem broju slučajeva nisu bili iskreni, odnosno da su Srbi u većini slučajeva prelazili na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest isključivo zbog očuvanja vlastite egzistencije. Osnutkom Hrvatske pravoslavne crkve u prvoj polovini 1942. pravoslavni vjernici uglavnom su prestali prelaziti na rimokatoličku vjeroispovijest.The number of converts from Orthodoxy to Roman Catholicism during WWII has been discussed for years. The earliest cumulative quantification of Orthodox-to-Catholic conversions in the NDH (Independent State of Croatia) may be found in a report by Pope Pius XII of 1943, which was written by Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac. Although there are still speculations about the total number of Orthodox converts to Roman Catholic faith in the period of WWII, most controversies today are mainly concerned with the nature and ethics of the doctrinal consistency and political opportunity of the conversion itself.
During the period in between the wars, the Čazma Archdeaconry consisted of several districts: Čazma, Kutina, Ivanić Grad, Grubišno Polje and Garešnica. According to the census of 1931, less than 14% of the population were Orthodox Christians. The author of the paper researches the conversions form Orthodoxy to Roman Catholicism in the mentioned area during the period between 1941 and 1945. The research is based on the records from archive holdings such as the Archbishop’s Clerical Board of the Archbishop’s Archive in Zagreb, the Ministry of Justice and the NDH Ministry of Justice and Worship at the Croatian State Archive. Based on the list of names of converted persons, i.e. those who filed an application to convert in the area of 23 parishes in the territory of the Čazma Archdeaconry, the author concludes that no fewer than 3,271 Orthodox Christians filed an application to convert to Roman Catholicism, mainly from April 1941 to April 1942. According to the preserved documents from the Archbishop’s Archive in Zagreb and from the Croatian State Archive, the actual number of conversions was even larger; however, no list of names of those who filed an application to convert or of those who underwent conversion is preserved. Such a problem arose in the parish of Mikleuška where people converted collectively, in large numbers. In this paper, the author discusses the types of individual conversions. The largest number of religious conversions were made in the area of Miklueška, where 751 individuals converted. Vicar Đurić from the parish of Kaniška Iva asked the Archbishop’s Clerical Board for missionaries to help him teach and convert the Orthodox. He demanded at least six more missionaries, two for the villages of Veliko Vukovje, Malo Vukovje, Gojilo and Rogoža, two for Stupovača, Brinjani, Čaire and Kutinica, and two for Velika Bršljanica, a part of Rogoža and Mala Bršljanica. The missionaries arrived in the winter of 1941/1942. Vicar Đurić compiled a list of converts, 1,372 of them being from the area of the former Orthodox parish of Veliko Vukovje. Due to a large number of converts, there was a plan to set up a new Roman Catholic parish in Narta, in the vicinity of Čazma. As a special aspect of this research, the author observes the conversions to Greek Catholicism (in the Veliki Zdenci and Čazma area) and the reasons why the state authorities did not want the Orthodox to convert to Greek Catholicism. According to a circular issued by the Ministry of Justice and Worship, the Main Ustaša Headquarters and the State Directorate for Economic Regeneration, dated 30 July 1941, it is apparent that the “wish of the Croatian government” was that “the Orthodox do not switch the Greek Catholic religion…” The Greek Catholic priests considered that they had the right of ownership over all Orthodox churches in the district of Garešnica because of the existence of their parish in Dišnik. Bishop Janko Šimrak requested that certain churches in Moslavina, among others, the church in Lipovčani, chapels in Marča, and churches in Narta and Veliko Vukovje become part of the Greek Catholic Church. However, most of these churches were provided for by the Roman Catholic Church. The author finally concludes, on the basis of reports from some parishioners, that in most cases, conversion to Roman Catholicism was not honest, that the Serbs were mostly forced to convert to Roman Catholic faith for the sake of preserving their existence and their lives. Following the foundation of the Croatian Orthodox Church in the first half of 1942, the Orthodox generally ceased to attend Roman Catholic masses
The Early Modern Land Reclamation, Protomodern Migration and Economic Development of the Feudal Estate of Vrana
Get PDFU radu se autori fokusiraju na lokalne i prekogranične migracijske procese u sjevernoj Dalmaciji i njihov utjecaj na razvoj vranskog feuda tijekom 17. i 18. stoljeća. Nakon kvalitativne analize demografske, crkvene i kartografske arhivske građe uspostavljena je veza između ekonomskih i okolišnih procesa i razvoja u nizinskome močvarnom pograničju, u odnosu spram prirodne osnove, geostrateške pozicije te komunikacijsko-komercijalnoga i (i)migracijskog potencijala prostora. U radu se pokušava odgovoriti i na pitanje je li se privatni pothvat melioracije posjeda obitelji Borelli pokazao ekonomski uspješnim ili pak avanturističkim eksperimentom u okolnostima neuspješne sesilizacije doseljenog stanovništva iz Bukovice. Pritom protomoderne lokalne migracije Morlaka rezultiraju njihovim angažmanom na isušivanju močvara i blata, uz već postojeću ulogu u obrani Novoga i Najnovijega mletačkog posjeda od eventualnih ponovnih osmanskih upada. Iako njihovo doseljavanje nema okolišni predznak, u konačnici su oni melioracijom izmijenili okoliš Kotara, usprkos činjenici da je ratarska ekonomska eksploatacija ostala nerazvijena, dok je prevladavajuće stočarenje na plodnoj i melioriranoj zemlji predstavljalo ekonomski neracionalno iskorištavanje zemlje. Način na koji je ravnokotarski kraj demografski, pa i ekonomski profitirao od redistribucija stanovništva iz zaleđa dio je odgovora na demografsku devastaciju izazvanu osmanskim ratovima početkom ranoga novog vijeka, pustošenjem te okolišnim pritiskom na močvarno zemljište nakon mletačke rekonkviste. Nizinski je okoliš izmijenjen melioriranjem zapuštenih vodotoka, čime je čovjek ponovno, prvi put nakon antike, intenzivnije zadirao u okoliš. Ishod toga ranonovovjekovnog sraza ekonomskih i okolišnih interesa na ograničenom prostoru vranskog feuda rezultirao je značajnim razlikama u kvaliteti i predznaku razvoja u kratkoročnoj u odnosu na dugoročnu perspektivu.In the paper the authors are focused on local and trans-border migration processes in Northern Dalmatia and their influence on the economic and demographic development of the Vrana feudal estate during the 17th and 18th century. The research was based on the complex and qualitative analysis of demographic, economical, confessional and cartographic archival sources, followed by the correlation of existing secondary literature research (desk-study analysis). The primary scientific goal was to determine how the land reclamation and corresponding protomodern migrations, which had occurred prior the statistical period of migration registration, have changed and influenced further economic and environmental development of this particular hinterland of the Dalmatian area. The change of the lowland marshy borderlands was investigated within the frames of its physical ambience, geo-strategic position, and its communication, commercial and migratory potential, within the interdisciplinary framework and discourse of ecohistory and environmental studies methodology and approach.
In addition, this paper tends to discuss whether the Borelli family's private venture of investing in land reclamation was an economic success or rather an adventurous experiment since they failed to keep the immigrants colonized from Bukovica in permanent settlements. After getting the Vrana estate as a feudal possession in 1752, these Italian family members undertook a huge action of marshland and land reclamation in order to re-evaluate and redefine land use in the area that was once a prosperous Roman barn field, which provided food for a much larger population. Consequently, these newly gained lands were used by the state, along with some other tax and administrative benefits, to attract agrarian labour force. After drying the Vrana moors and marshes, damp soil improved in quality and the excess water was taken away, especially after the trenching of main and collateral ditches and a huge canal of Prosika, which connected the Lake Vrana with the Adriatic Sea, and the immigration has continued.
Considering the motives of these protomodern migrations as an interplay of intertwined migration factors, some typology of the most common patterns of spatial mobility has been discovered, including the patterns, shapes, directions and intensity of these migration lines. They included not only the war and post-war emigration from the estate, but also the immigration of Morlachs from the hilly area of Bukovica or even across the Ottoman borders in the hinterland, and transmigration, as well as family-related local migration, and seasonal shepherd (transhumant) migration (circulation) in the area. A specific “transborder” migration was a type of colonized compelled immigration of peasants from northern Italy (Furlania) to Northern (Venetian) Dalmatia as a working contingent of people, along with rare and occasional migrants of Italian nobility who conducted, directed and financed the Vrana reclamation projects (e.g. the Borelli from Bologna).
The case study of migration network in the village of Tinj, besides the majority of settlers from the north-western area of Bukovica, has also revealed the immigrants from Primorje and even from the islands of Zadar archipelago coming to the Vrana estate. Some of them also helped in the drainage projects. New contingents of “healthy highlander Morlachs” from Bukovica were continuously invited, since they were perceived as more resistant to marshland fevers and likely to endure malaria-like diseases, which had significantly diminished the economic productivity and demographic potential of population in lowland areas. This local migration of Morlachs resulted in their engagement in reclamation as an additional task to their existing role in defense of Acquisto Nuovo and Acquisto Nuovissimo (Venetian hinterland) against eventual Ottoman Reconquista. During the period of destructive Anti-Ottoman wars in Kotari, the geostrategic relevance of this particular feudal estate's borderland position on the edges of various states, economic systems and cultures was of the utmost importance.
On the other hand, its liminal position as the Venetian overseas territory minimized the central state support and care in various kinds of perils. Hence, colonized immigration did not have ecological character although new settlers changed the landscape of Kotari. New and intensive agricultural (farmer) exploitation failed to upgrade economy since the prevailing sheep-breeding in highly fertile land represented the economic irrational land use. Demographic and economic development reflected the devastating results of anti-Ottoman early modern wars, followed by the environmental requirements and pressure of the Venetians. Getting in between the environmental interventions aiming to reach higher economic standards, the feudal estate happened to be radically changed by the reclamation. It was, for the first time since the Roman era, an extraordinary intervention into natural balance of the lowland ecosystem.
The results of these early modern collisions of economic and environmental interests in Vrana in the short period significantly differed in quality and direction of its development in comparison to the long-term perspective. On the one hand, especially in the middle and long-term perspective, it showed elements of economic and demographic success, with a reasonable potential to fully reshape the demographic potential of the area. Quite contrary, the short time scale was, if not a complete failure, then at least an uncertain and adventurous experiment. In spite of that qualification, Francesco Borelli’s reclamation of marshlands was a hydro-technical step forward, totally in accordance to similar European intellectual (physiocratic) movements and projects, reflecting the spread of comparable ideas to the eastern corners of eastern Adriatic territories under European rulers. However, the Borelli family also encountered serious obstacles in implementing innovative plans, such as continued political and military insecurity on the borderland(s), including also the Ottoman part (serhat).
Besides the fiscal and other privileges that were promised to Morlachs in order to attract them to the deserted land by the former owners, Borelli’s innovative and economic capacities were further jeopardized by the lack of solid political (and organizational) support of Venetian administration. They even did not succeed in settling the colonized immigrant population more permanently into the nine villages of the Vrana estate, partly due to additional irrigation work Morlachs had to complete, but also due to disadvantageous demographic threat represented by the unknown medical dangers such as malarial fevers. Since these phenomena were unknown and undiagnosed (prior to the mid-19th century) the adequate treatment or prevention could not be applied. In spite of all unfavourable factors or even failure to decrease circulation of local population in the area, these projects can be defined as revolutionary inventive for the 18th century, especially for Dalmatian periphery. Among other ecological results, human intervention into drainage of devastated and abandoned water sources and channels led to formation of highly anthropogenically shaped landscape, which was crucially dependent on constant cultivation and protection. Moreover, expensive reclamation projects were not fully and properly exploited, since the Ottoman presence in the vicinity and total insecurity prevented and even repulsed Morlach shepherds from changing their low profit shepherd economy to high profit intensive agricultural land use. Such a misbalance of economic and environmental interests tended to reverse Borelli’s efforts and new economic exploitation kept the economy on unsustainable levels, detaining the irrational management of energy, resources and land.
On the other hand, the improved soil and drained land allowed a slow increase of crop each year, ensuring higher self-provision of the local population. Demographic growth was gradual and endangered by malarial fevers. They significantly reduced the number of people, especially children, but also limited economic productivity of those who survived. However, life standard increased based also on the extension of arable lands. Intensive agricultural production with new cultures increased the productivity level. The collision of economic and environmental interests resulted especially in long-term improvements of the main trends since the early modern economy was highly dependent on natural cycles and not based on intensive agriculture, but rather on extensive transhumant cattle breeding, which could not effectively correspond to huge human/material investments into land reclamation, especially in a short time span. Gradually, the land improvement opened new economic possibilities, being fully exploited after the extending and widening of the Prosika canal, which had been finished during the Austrian rule in the 19th century. The failure of the Borelli’s project reflected in the abandoning of the works and bankruptcy of the count Francesco, but the reclamation results turned to be the base for economic/demographic achievements in later centuries. The extinction of malarial fevers and the episodes of other diseases were followed by founding of huge farms in the 20th century. By providing a significant areal of new fertile land which was safe from a sanitary perspective, the local population got the possibility to permanently settle the lowland Vrana villages and improve disadvantageous demographic trends.
By comparing incomparable, it is obvious that contrary to huge waist of energy and resources (e.g. of water and fossil fuels) in modern Western societies, a low level of agricultural production in Vrana and high dependence on natural principles have been ecologically and environmentally sustainable, especially in long-term perspective. The same collision of nature (environment) and economy today usually ends in short-term economic results and total neglecting of any other interest. Therefore, Vrana's reclamation represented, on the one hand, the abduction of moors and marshes, and their return to man, but on the other hand, an achievement of regained balance between economy and ecology. Such an equilibrium, as it was accomplished in the 18th century by the Vrana reclamation, can be rarely met even today
Slobodno vrijeme kao dimenzija kvalitete života stanovništva Općine Gornje Rijeke
Get PDFThe way an individual spends leisure time in his/her environment is one of the factors that influence his/her quality of life Due to the features of space (natural and anthropogenic environment), size and structure of settlement, population, the prevailing economic branch and other attributes – the Municipality of Gornja Rijeka was selected for a case study in researching population’s quality of life in rural areas. The research was conducted by using the method of surveying during November and December of 2012 on a non-proportional judgment sample of170 examinees aged 18-60. The aim of the paper is to analyze part of results of the research through which the ways of spending leisure time were studied. In estimating the overall quality of life of the population in the selected area the focus was on the possibilities to engage in leisure activities in the settlements where they reside. The ways and the quality of spending leisure time were measured by closed type questions referring to ways and frequency of doing certain activities, and were later analyzed in relation to the selected sociodemographic variables (the examinee’s age, sex, marital status, household size), the health status and the personal income of an individual, whether they live from agriculture, patterns of support and sociability, perception of personal quality of life and the quality of life in the settlements where the examinees live. The results of factor analysis applied to 14 variables (leisure time activities) confirmed five factors by which it is possible to describe the way of spending leisure time for an inhabitant of a selected rural area – urban dimension, traditional dimension, sociability, hobbies and media. One of the conclusions of the research was that, in parallel to the decrease of differences in the rural and urban populations’ ways of life (especially when it comes to population aged 18-60), the differences in spending leisure time also decrease. It is primarily explained by an increasing employment of the rural population in non-agricultural activities, better transport connections between villages and cities and modern communication possibilities of rural households (internet). Also, the research has confirmed that the possibilities (infrastructure and organization) of leisure activities in the settlement where an individual lives significantly influence the overall quality of life estimate.Način provođenja slobodnog vremena pojedinca u sredini u kojoj živi jedan je od čimbenika koji utječu na kvalitetu njegova života. Zbog navedenih obilježja prostora (prirodnog i izgrađenog okoliša), veličine i strukture naselja, (malo)brojnosti stanovništva, prevladavajuće gospodarske grane i nekih drugih atributa – Općina Gornja Rijeka odabrana je kao primjer studije slučaja u istraživanju kvalitete života stanovništva u ruralnim prostorima. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom ankete tijekom studenog i prosinca 2012. godine, na neproporcionalnom prosudbenom uzorku od 170 ispitanika starih od 18 do 60 godina. Cilj ovoga rada je analiza dijela rezultata istraživanja kojima je ispitivan način provođenja slobodnog vremena stanovnika. Pri tome je pri procjeni ukupne kvalitete života stanovništva izabranog područja pozornost usmjerena na mogućnosti za aktivnosti dokolice u naseljima u kojima žive. Način i kvaliteta provođenja slobodnog vremena mjereni su pitanjima zatvorenog tipa o vrstama i učestalosti bavljenja određenim aktivnostima, a potom su analizirani u odnosu na izabrane sociodemografske varijable (dob, spol, bračni status, broj članova kućanstva ispitanika), zdravstveni status i visinu prihoda pojedinca, (ne)bavljenje poljoprivredom kao djelatnošću, obrasce podrške i društvenosti, percepciju osobne kvalitete života i kvalitete života u naseljima u kojima ispitanici žive. Rezultati faktorske analize primijenjene na 14 varijabli (aktivnosti slobodnog vremena) potvrdili su pet faktora kojima je moguće opisati način provođenja slobodnog vremena stanovnika odabranoga ruralnog područja i to faktora urbane dimenzije, tradicionalne dimenzije, dimenzije društvenosti, dimenzije hobija te medijske dimenzije. Jedan od zaključaka istraživanja je da se usporedo sa smanjenjem razlika u načinu života stanovnika ruralnih i urbanih prostora (posebice kada je riječ o stanovništvu u dobi od 18 do 60 godina) postupno smanjuju i razlike u načinu provođenja slobodnog vremena. To se objašnjava u prvom redu sve brojnijem zapošljavanjem stanovnika ruralnih krajeva u nepoljoprivrednim djelatnostima, boljom prometnom povezanosti sela i grada te suvremenim komunikacijskim mogućnostima seoskih kućanstava (internet). Ujedno, istraživanje je potvrdilo da mogućnosti (infrastruktura i organiziranost) za aktivnosti dokolice u naselju u kojem pojedinac živi značajno utječu na procjenu ukupne kvalitete života