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Kartographische und Narrative Quellen zur Geschichte des Karlstädter Generalates in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Zusammenfassung)
Get PDFPrilog se bavi uspoređivanjem dvaju narativnih i kartografskih izvora za povijest Karlovačkog generalata s početka 18. stoljeća. Pri usporedbi posebna je pozornost poklonjena njihovu odnosu prema prostoru i orijentaciji, osobinama reljefa, komunikacijama, granicama te planovima i ulozi pojedinih utvrda u vojno-strateškom smislu za Vojnu krajinu.Im Artikel werden einige habsburgische narrative und kartographische Quellen aus dem ersten Halfte des 18. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte des Karlstadter Generalates vergleicht. Es geht um die Relation von Martin Claus mit einer beigelegten geographischen Karte und den Planen der Festungen und um zwei Relationen des kommandierenden Generals in Karlstadt, Grafen Joseph Rabatta. Die Arbeit behandelt eine spezielle Art habsburgischer Kartographie, die sich vor allem mit der Darstellung des Gebiets der Militargrenze zu strategischen und militarischen Zwecken beschaftigt. Wahrend des Vergleichens dieser zwei Arten von Quellen wird besondere Aufmerksamkeit auf die Behandlung einiger Bereiche in diesen Quellen gerichtet, z. B. auf den Raum und die Orientierung, die Eigenschaften des Reliefs, die Kommunikation, die Grenzen sowie die Plane und die strategische Wichtigkeit einzelner Festungen in der Militargrenze
Les rapports de voisinage et d'amitie entre les rapatries et les reinstalles dans l'atmosphere sociale d'avant, pendant et apres la guerre dans la comitat de Brod-Posavina
Get PDFSrpska ratna agresija na Hrvatsku i Bosnu i Hercegovinu rezultirala je rušenjem materijalnih dobara: kuća, tvornica, škola, crkava i drugoga. Ipak, najtragičnija posljedica ratnih događanja bila su ubojstva ljudi, stradanja civila i urušavanje primarne socijalne strukture, naročito obitelji, susjedstva i prijateljstva. U ovom radu analizira se susjedstvo i prijateljstvo povratnika i useljenika na području Okučana i okolice. Anketirane su tri skupine ratnih migranata: izbjeglice-useljenici, povratnici Hrvati i povratnici Srbi. Uspoređeni su stavovi o susjedstvu i prijateljstvu Hrvata i Srba u prijeratnom, ratnom i poslijeratnom razdoblju. U prijeratnom razdoblju susjedstvo i prijateljstvo Hrvata i Srba funkcioniralo je dosta dobro. Iako znatno narušeni, primarni socijalni odnosi nisu u potpunosti uništeni ni u ratu. Sjećanje na prijeratni suživot i segmentarno očuvanje tih odnosa u ratu, trebalo bi da budu olakšavajući čimbenici u poslijeratnoj (re)konstituciji primarne socijalne strukture u lokalnim zajednicama.Serbian military aggression against Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in the destruction of much material property: factories, schools, churches and other such items. However, the most tragic effects of the war events involved the killing of people, the suffering of civilians and the collapse of social structures. In this regard, in ethnically mixed areas, most threatened were the primary social groups (neighbour and friendship bonds) that are a condicio sine qua non for the formation and endurance of local communities. In so much as this occurred, it is possible to explicitly and unequivocally state that the war practically destroyed all the local communities in the occupied and later liberated areas of the Brod-Posavina county. Therefore, the process of return of war migrants and the (re)formation of local communities brings us to question of how actors in this process (refugees-immigrants, returnees-Croats, returnees-Serbs) experience and imagine the possibility of establishing coexistence, and to what degree and in which way does their own behaviour influence the mentioned process. Do significant differences exist in the responses and behaviour among people of different age, sex and level of education? What are the prospects in regard to neighbourship and friendship in local communities? What are the values that might bring together war migrants in the mentioned area? At any rate, it is well known that without a minimum level of conformism and consensus to draw people together, coexistence is impossible. How is it possible to renew what has broken down, as well as the destroyed individual assets, especially neighbourship and friendship? The basic assumption in this paper stems from the author’s belief that coexistence and cooperation between all groups in the western part of the Brod-Posavina county is possible only if primary social relationships – especially neighbourship and friendship – are renewed. Three groups of war migrants were queried: refugees-immigrants, returnees-Croats and returnees-Serbs. A comparison was made of their attitudes in regard to neighbourship and friendship between Croats and Serbs in the pre-war, wartime and post-war periods. Their responses indicated a favourable or mostly favourable level of social interaction between Croats and Serbs in the pre-war period. Amiable coexistence was a very much value in parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even during the war, although there was different and also aggressive behaviour among friends and neighbours of the other ethnicity (Croats or Serbs), primary social interaction continued to function at least in small segments. Friends, somewhat more often than neighbours, protected persons of the other ethnicity during the war. Primary social relationships were not destroyed even during the worst war periods. It would be expected that this would be an alleviating factor during the post-war (re)construction of primary social structures. Yet the post-war situation is burdened with problems. Apart from material and financial difficulties, the most grievous ones are psychological. Memories of the war, of the dead and wounded, aggravate communication or make it impossible. Nevertheless, despite even this, difficult circumstances, communication between the three groups of respondents (especially between Croats and Serbs) exists, at least in a nuclear form. Thus, if favourable macro-circumstances prevail (primarily a democratic state policy), one can expect a gradual, although slow, regeneration of primary relationship networks in the local community.L'agression serbe contre la Croatie et la Bosnie-Herzégovine a causé des dégâts matériels, avec la destruction d'usines, écoles, églises, et autres, mais la conséquence la plus tragique du conflit armé est l'assassinat de personnes, la souffrance des civils et l'écroulement de la structure sociale primaire. En ce sens, dans les localités à structure ethnique mixte, ont été particulièrement touchés les groupes sociaux primaires (voisinage, amitié) dont l'existence est condicio sine qua non de la constitution et de la pérennité des communautés locales. Aussi peut-on souligner clairement et nettement que la guerre a presque entièrement anéanti les communautés locales sur le territoire occupé/libéré de l'ouest de la Comitat de Brod-Posavina. Dans le cadre du processus de retour des migrants du fait de la guerre et de (re)construction des communautés locales, la question se pose donc de savoir comment les acteurs de ce processus (réfugiés-réinstallées, rapatriés-Croates, rapatriés-Serbes) perçoivent et conçoivent la possibilité de mise en place d'une cohabitation, et dans quelle mesure et comment ils influent par leur propre comportement sur lesdits processus. Observe-t-on des différences notables dans les réponses et le comportement parmi les groupes d'âge, sexe, niveau d'études différentes? Quelles sont les chances de voir s'établir des rapports de voisinage et d'amitié dans les communautés locales? Autour de quelles valeurs est-il possible de rassembler les divers groupes de personnes ayant migré du fait de la guerre, dans l'espace concerné? Par ailleurs, on sait que sans un minimum de conformisme et de consensus, qui tels des liens assurent le rapprochement des gens, une vie commune n'est pas possible. Comment rénover les biens individuels endommagés, voire anéantis, et en particulier les rapports de voisinage et d'amitié? La supposition résidant à la base de ce travail repose sur la conviction de l'auteur selon laquelle la cohabitation de même que la coexistence et la collaboration de tous les groupes dans la région ouest de la Comitat de Brod-Posavina est possible moyennant une mise ou remise en place des rapports sociaux primaires, en particulier de voisinage et d'amitié. L'enquête porte sur trois groupes de personnes ayant migré du fait de la guerre: réfugiésréinstallés, rapatriés-Croates, rapatriés-Serbes, et donne une comparaison de leurs points de vue quant aux rapports de voisinage et d'amitié entre Croates et Serbes, avant, pendant et après la guerre. Les réponses des personnes interrogées mettent en lumière une bonne ou assez bonne interaction sociale entre Croates et Serbes dans la période d'avant-guerre. La cohabitation était une valeur ô combien présente sur le territoire de la Croatie et de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Pendant la guerre également, bien qu'il y ait eu des comportements divers, voire même agressifs, entre amis et voisins d'appartenance ethnique différente (Croates ou Serbes), l'interaction sociale primaire à ce niveau fonctionnait ne serait-ce que par petits segments. Les amis, un peu plus que les voisins, défendirent les personnes d'appartenance ethnique différente dans le conflit armé. Les rapports sociaux primaires n'ont pas été entièrement anéantis, même dans la dure période de la guerre. Dans la (re)constitution de la structure sociale primaire, cela devrait être un facteur atténuateur. La situation après-guerre est lourde de problèmes. Outre les difficultés matérielles et financières, celles d'ordre psychologique sont sans aucun doute les plus profondes. Le souvenir de la guerre, des tués et des blessés, entrave la communication ou la rend impossible. Mais malgré tous les obstacles, la communication entre les trois groupes de personnes interrogés (avec une attention particulière portée sur les rapports Croates-Serbes) existe quand même, ne serait-ce que sous forme d'embryon. Il est donc permis d'espérer, moyennant un contexte général propice (avant tout une politique nationale démocratique), une régénération graduelle, quoique très lente, du réseau primaire de rapports dans la communauté locale
Early-modern Cartographic Interpretations od Triplex Confinium. According to the Novak Map Collection (Summary)
Get PDFPrilog se bavi pitanjem višestrukosti i različitostima u načinu kartografskih prikaza pejzaža i percepcije ekoloških ambijenata Triplex Confiniuma.The paper elaborates some problems of the historical geography, namely catrography, of the broader area of the Triplex Confinium. Concretely, it analyses the presentation of geographical elements such as hydrography, relief, vegetation and geology, in the cartographic sources produced between 17th and 19th century and selected from the private map collection of Drago Novak. These cronological modifications of specific geographical appearance and varieties of land presentations are briefly treated on the basis of 11 maps
Связи среднеазиатских областей с хорватским средневековьем
Get PDFU članku se opisuje razvitak hrvatske predodžbe o vlastitom podrijetlu, poglavito u odnosu na srednjoazijski ili srednjoevrazijski svijet. Na južnom rubu Panonske nizine, koja tvori osobit nastavak velike evrazijske stepe, područje Hrvatske bilo je u prošlosti često izloženo raznim prodorima nomadskih naroda s istoka. Dakako, najstarije prodore s istoka u doba početne indoevropeizacije (utjecaji na eneolitsku vučedolsku kulturu i sl.) još se ne mogu uvrstiti u tu shemu. Tek »skitskokimerijski fenomen« u rano željezno doba označava početak modela azijskih najezdi, koje su zahvatile i hrvatski prostor. Na kraju stare ere stići će s istoka Jazigi i ini Sarmati, a na prijelazu iz antike pokret Huna stvorit će stereotip prema kojem će suvremenici doživjeti iduće provale Bugara i Avara, tijesno vezane za slavenske seobe, poslije i seobu Mađara, te napokon i tatarsko-mongolsku najezdu. Iako bitno drukčiji po tipu, kasniji osmansko-turski prodor – koji će imati krupne posljedice za Hrvatsku – također se može razmotriti kao dio ukupne slike o azijskim odnosima. Na početku osmanskih prodora, prenio se na Hrvatsku stari naziv iz doba križarskih ratova – antemurale Christianitatis – što je imalo dvojako značenje. S jedne strane, to je potvrda o vezi sa zapadnokršćanskim krugom, ali »predziđe « znači i nešto izvan »matice«, pa se hrvatski prostor unekoliko pomaknuo prema Orijentu. U nastavku, autori razmatraju različite predaje o podrijetlu Hrvata. Najstarije je zapisao bizantski car Konstantin VII Porfirogenet. Riječ je o ulozi cara Heraklija u naseljavanju Hrvata i o priči o dolasku Hrvata pod vodstvom petorice braće i dviju sestara. Potonja zacijelo odražava izvornu predodžbu o podrijetlu, koja je preživjela u hrvatskoj sredini barem do sredine 10. stoljeća. Iduća predaja, zabilježena u ljetopisima iz 12. i 13. stoljeća, vodi podrijetlo Hrvata od Gota. Autori drže da je riječ o dinastičkom mitu Trpimirovića. »Gotizam« je zacijelo nastao prije personalne unije s Ugarskom (jer su Arpadovići imali drugi dinastički mit), a trajao je do renesanse, kada su ga zamijenila druga tumačenja – »autohtonizam« ili »ilirizam«, pa i čista slavenska vizija. No, s početkom moderne historiografije u 17. stoljeću pozornost se opet usredotočila na Porfirogenetov opis. Zbog činjenica što se hrvatski etnonim nije mogao objasniti slavenskom jezičnom osnovom, na kraju se stiglo do postavke da prvotni Hrvati možda i nisu bili slavenskoga podrijetla. Dobrano se nametnula turkijska teza, odnosno veza s pricrnomorskim Bugarima ili Hunima. Poslije je otkriće nadgrobnih natpisa u Tanaisu na ušću Dona s imenima nalik na hrvatski etnonim dalo osnovu iranskoj teoriji o podrijetlu Hrvata. Autori raspravljaju o tome i o najnovijim pokušajima da se prvobitne Hrvate traži u socijalnom sloju avarskog kaganata. Prema tom mišljenju, turkijske (avarske) i iranske interpretacije ne isključuju nužno jedna drugu.The paper analyses the development of Croat visions of self-origin, especially in relation to the Central Asian or Central Eurasian world. Located on the southern rim of the Pannonia plain, which constitutes a type of continuity of the great Eurasian steppe, the area of Croatia has many times in the past been exposed to diverse incursions of nomadic peoples from the East. True, the oldest expansions from the East in the context of initial Indo-Europeanisation (i.e. effects on the aeneolithic Vučedol culture, etc.) cannot yet be included in such a scheme. The “Scythian-Cimmerian phenomenon” in the early Iron Age marks the first appearance of this model in regard to the Croatian area. Towards the end of historical Antiquity, Yazygs and other Sarmatians arrived from the East, and later the movement of the Huns created the stereotype through which contemporaries envisioned the following incursions of Bulgars and Avars, closed connected to the Slavic migrations, the arrival of the Hungarians and later the Tatar-Mongol invasion. Although essentially different, the subsequent Ottoman Turk expansion – which was to have significant ramifications for Croatia – also constituted an aspect of the total picture of relations with Asia. At the beginning of the Ottoman invasion, the old phrase dating from the Mediaeval Crusades, antemurale Christianitatis, was applied to Croatia. This had double significance. On the one hand it confirmed ties with the Western Christendom, but on the other hand the very term antemurale (“forewall, bulwark”) implies an external position, hence a certain conceptual shift of Croatia toward the Orient. In the next part of the paper, the authors examine various legends pertaining to Croat origins. The oldest were registered by the Byzantine emperor Constantine VI Porphyrogenitus. This included the account of the invitation made by the emperor Heraclius to the Croats and the story of the arrival of the Croats under the leadership of five brothers and two sisters. The second of these two narratives most probably reflects the original concept of origin that survived in the Croatian milieu at least until the 10th century. The next series of material, recorded in the chronicles from the 12th-13th centuries, derived the origin of the Croats from the Goths. The authors claim that this was a dynastic myth of the house of Trpimir. “Gothism” must have taken root before the personal union with Hungary (the Hungarian Árpád dynasty had a different myth) and would have survived until the Renaissance, when it was replaced by other shemes – the “autochthonous” interpretation or “illirism”, and also the purely Slavic vision. Yet with the development of modern historiography from the 17th century, the attention of historians was once again to be focused on Porphyrogenitus’ text. The fact that the Croat ethnonym could not be derived from a Slavic linguistic basis finally led to the supposition that the first Croats perhaps were not of Slavic origin. The Turkic theory, implying links with the Black Sea Bulgars and Huns, was suggested quite early. Later the discovery at Tanais at the mouth of the Don of grave stones bearing names similar to the Croat ethnonym led to the development of the Iranian theory. The authors discuss this as well as the most recent attempts to derive the first Croats from a social class in the Avar kaganat. According to them, the Turkic (Avar) and the Iranian interpretation do not necessarily exclude one another.В статье описывается развитие хорватских представлений о собственном происхождении, особенно по отношению к среднеазиатскому или среднеевразийскому миру. На южной окраине паннонской низины, образующей своеобразное продолжение великой евразийской степи, область Хорватии в прошлом многократно подвергалась различным вторжениям кочевых народов востока. Разумеется, наиболее древние вторжения с востока в период начальной индоевропеизации (влияние на енеолитическую вучедолскую культуру и т.п.) еще не могут быть включены в подобную схему. Лишь так называемый «скифско-киммерийский феномен» в период раннего железного века знаменует собой формирование модели азиатских нашествий, захвативших и хорватское пространство. В конце прошлой эры с востока приходят язиги и другие сарматы, а в конце античного периода движение гуннов приводит к созданию стереотипа, по образцу которого современники будут воспринимать последующие нашествия болгар и аваров, и, наконец, татаро-монгольское нашествие. Более позднее османско-турецкое нашествие – правда, совершено иное по типу – имевшее для Хорватии крупные последствие, также можно рассматривать как часть совокупной картины азиатских взаимоотношений. В начале османских нашествий к Хорватии начинает применяться старинное название эпохи крестовых походов – antemurale Christianitatis. Этот факт имел двоякое значение: с одной стороны, он служил подтверждением связи с западнохристианским кругом, а с другой – «подступы» означали нешто, находящееся за пределами «основной части», то есть хорватская территория определенным образом сдвигалась к востоку. Далее авторы рассматривают различные предания о происхождении хорватов. Наиболее древнее из них записаны византийским императором Константином VII Багрянородным. Имеется в виду приглашение императора Ираклия и рассказ о приходе хорватов под предводительством пятерых братьев и двух сестер. Последнее наверняка отражает исконное представление о происхождении, продержавшееся в хорватской среде, по крайней мере, до середины 10 века. Следующее предание, записанное в летописях 12–13 вв., связывает происхождение хорватов с готами. Авторы считают, что речь идет о династическом мифе Трпимировичей. «Готизам» должен был возникнуть ранее заключения с Венгрией персональной унии (так как у Арпадовичей существовал иной династический миф); он просуществовал до начала Возрождения, когда его сменили иные толкования – «самобытность» или «иллиризм», и чистое славянское видение. Однако с началом развития современной историографии в 17 веке сочинение Константина Багрянородного вновь привлекло к себе внимание. Поскольку хорватский этноним не мог быть объяснен на какой-либо славянской языковой основе, учение в конце концов высказали предположение, что первые хорваты, по-видимому, были неславянского происхождения. Была выдвинута тюркская теория, то есть связь с причерноморскими болгарами или гуннами. Позднее открытие в Танаисе в устье Дона могильных надписей, содержащих названия, похожие на хорватский этноним, послужило основой возникновения иранской теории о происхождении хорватов. Авторы наряду с указанными рассматривают также новейшие попытки связать происхождение первых хорватов с определенным социальным слоем, существовавшим в аварском каганате. Согласно их мнению, тюркские (аварские) и иранские интерпретации отнюдь не исключают друг друга
Influence des migrations sur le vieillissement de la population de l'archipel de Cres-Lošinj
Get PDFCresko-lošinjsko otočje je tijekom povijesti, a posebice nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata doživjelo vrlo važne emigracijske, a potom i imigracijske procese. Nakon pedeset i više godina neprekidne depopulacije, šezdesetih započinje useljavanje na otok Lošinj, a sedamdesetih na Cres. U tom zaokretu od snažne depopulacije ka znatnom porastu broja stanovnika, ako se promatra otočje u cjelini, krije se i demografska posebnost istraživanja tog otočja u usporedbi sa drugim hrvatskim otocima. Višegodišnji denatalitet i snažno dugotrajno iseljavanje iz naselja u unutrašnjosti otoka Cresa i sa svih otoka lošinjskog arhipelaga uzrokom je mnoštva staračkih, samačkih, ali i napuštenih domaćinstava. Svi analitički pokazatelji dobne strukture iznad su praga koji određuje kada neka populacija počinje starjeti. Prosječna starost na cjelokupnom otočju već je trideset i više godina uvjerljivo iznad 30 godina, a na otocima lošinjskog arhipelaga kreće se iznad granice reproduktivne dobi, oko 50 godina. Koeficijent starosti kreće se između 14,02 na Lošinju i 49,22 na Iloviku.Demographic research in regard to the islands of Cres and Lošinj belongs in the domain of small population studies. Throughout history, and especially after World War II, the islands experienced very strong emigration and later immigration processes. After fifty or more years of continual emigration, immigration began on the island of Lošinj in the 1960s, and on Cres in the 1970s. This reversal from strong depopulation to a significant increase in the size of the population, if the islands are examined as a whole, reveals certain demographic particularities in comparison with other Croatian islands. The long-term reduction of the birth rate and prolonged emigration from settlements in the interior of Cres and from all the islands of the Lošinj archipelago has been the cause of many elderly, single-person and abandoned households. All the analytical indicators pertaining to the age structure are above the threshold which marks the beginning of population ageing. The average age on all the islands has for over thirty years been well above 30, whereas in the Lošinj archipelago it has been above the reproductive age – i.e. about 50. The age coefficient varies between 14.02 for Lošinj and 49.22 for Ilovik. The island of Lošinj itself has the youngest population, and hence the lowest indicators of ageing. The burden on the working-age contingent on each island has changed at a different rate and in a different direction during the last three inter-census periods. The co-efficient of dependency of the young is increasing on all the islands, while the co-efficient of dependency of the elderly age groups is falling on Lošinj, Ilovik, Unije and Cres. The reduction of the birth rate and the negative migration balance caused by high emigration of mainly young, unmarried males has caused a seks ratio imbalance in favour of females. The general co-efficient of females, according to the 1991 census was between 105.7 on Lošinj and 145.5 on Unije. The co-efficient of females in the over 65 age groups indicates an even greater proportion of women in the population. On the entire Cres-Lošinj archipelago there is only one facility for the institutional accommodation of the elderly.L'étude démographique de l'archipel de Cres-Lošinj relève des recherches sur les petites populations. Cet archipel a connu au cours de son histoire, et en particulier après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, de très importants processus d'émigration puis d'immigration. Après un bon demi-siècle de constante dépopulation, l'île de Lošinj a commencé dans les années 60 à accueillir de nouveaux habitants, suivie dans les années 70 par l'île de Cres. Dans ce passage d'une forte dépopulation à une croissance notable du nombre d'habitants réside, si l'on considère l'archipel dans son ensemble, la particularité démographique de archipel sous étude, en regard des autres îles croates. De longues années de dénatalité et une forte et longue désertification des localités situées à l'intérieur de l'île de Cres et de toutes les îles de l'archipel de Lošinj y ont multiplié le nombre de ménages âgés, célibataires ou foyers abandonnés. Tous les indicateurs analytiques de la structure des âges dépassent le seuil marquant le début d'un vieillissement de la population. La moyenne d'âge sur l'ensemble de l'archipel est déjà depuis plus d'une trentaine d'années au-dessus de 30 ans et, sur les îles de l'archipel de Lošinj, elle se situe au-delà de la limite de l'âge de reproduction, autour de 50 ans. Le coefficient de vieillesse se situe entre 14,02 à Lošinj et 49,22 à Ilovik. C'est l'île de Lošinj qui présente dans l'ensemble la population la plus jeune, et donc les indicateurs de vieillesse les plus bas. Le poids reposant sur la population active a changé à un rythme et dans une direction différents d'une île à l'autre au cours des trois périodes jalonnées par les derniers recensements. Le coefficient de dépendance des jeunes est en hausse sur toutes les îles, tandis que le coefficient de dépendance des personnes âgées chute à Lošinj, Ilovik, Unije et Cres. La dénatalité et de longues années pendant lesquelles le solde migratoire a été négatif, marqué par une forte émigration de la population masculine, plutôt jeune et célibataire, a provoqué un déséquilibre au profit des femmes. Le coefficient moyen de femmes d'après le recensement de 1991 se situait entre 105,7 à Lošinj et 145,5 à Unije. Le coefficient de femmes parmi les insulaires de 65 ans et plus affiche un taux encore plus élevé de femmes. Il n'existe dans tout l'archipel de Cres-Lošinj qu'un seul centre institutionnel d'accueil pour personnes âgées
Newer Demographic Development of the Settlement of Murter
Get PDFMurter je najveće naselje na istoimenom otoku, ali i na cijelome šibenskom arhipelagu. Za razliku od glavnine ostalih otočnih naselja, njegovo stanovništvo manje je sudjelovalo u ranijem iseljeništvu dok su novije emigracije zadesile Murter nakon šezdesetih. Odraz depopulacijskog razdoblja uočava se u promjenama dobno-spolnih struktura gdje je vidljivo primarno starenje stanovništva i disproporcija prema spolu, naročito u starijih godišta. Usprkos tome, za naselje Murter može se ustvrditi da nema tako nepovoljnu demografsku situaciju kao većina dalmatinskootočnih naselja. Uočava se tek blagi opadajući natalitet uz neznatan porast mortaliteta. Demografska perspektiva tog stanovništva razmjerno je povoljna (očekivani razvoj turizma, razvoj poljoprivrede i obrta, nautičke infrastrukture itd.) ukoliko ne nastupe dodatni emigracijski činioci. Otok Murter, prvenstveno zahvaljujući njegovu središnjem naselju Murteru, u multikriterijalnoj ocjeni razvijenosti 47 hrvatskih otoka prema demografskim kriterijima zauzima visoko 11. mjesto, jer svi više rangirani otoci imaju i osjetno veću površinu.Murter is the largest settlement on the same-named island and also in the entire Šibenik archipelago. As opposed to most of the settlements on the island, its population was less involved in earlier emigration flows, whereas newer emigration began to effect Murter only after the sixties. The effect of the depopulation period is visible in the changes of the age-sex structure, where can be seen primarily in ageing of the population and a disproportion in the sex ratio. Yet it can be confirmed that the settlement of Murter has not such an unfavourable demographic situation as do most Dalmatian islands. A slightly falling birth rate can be noticed, as well as a slight increase in the death rate. The demographic perspective of this population is relatively favourable (due to an expected development of tourism, development of agriculture and trades, nautical infrastructures etc.), if addition emigration factors will not come into play. Based on a multiple-criteria evaluation of developmental levels, the island of Murter, primarily due to the central position of the settlement Murter, is ranked 11th out of 47 Croatian islands. The reason is that all higher ranked islands also have a significantly larger area