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Dobrobit mladih i strukture potpore prije, tijekom i nakon COVID-19 pandemije: sažeti rezultati istraživanja i preporuke za javne politike
Full text linkIN CROATIAN: Dokument predstavlja rezultate sveobuhvatnog istraživanja o potrebama i izazovima mladih, s posebnim naglaskom na njihovo mentalno zdravlje i socijalnu uključenost. U uvodu se opisuje korištena metodologija, koja uključuje kvantitativne i kvalitativne pristupe. U drugom dijelu prikazani su rezultati istraživanja koji oslikavaju položaj, potrebe i perspektive mladih. Treći dio dokumenta donosi niz konkretnih preporuka usmjerenih različitim ciljanim skupinama – od samih mladih, preko omladinskih radnika, obrazovnih institucija, javnih institucija, istraživača, organizacija civilnog društva, međunarodnih organizacija i medija. U nastavku se iznose prioriteti za djelovanje u kratkoročnom, srednjoročnom i dugoročnom razdoblju, a završni dio naglašava važnost načela sukreacije u oblikovanju politika i praksi usmjerenih mladima. Dokument ima cilj potaknuti sustavnu, sveobuhvatnu i koordiniranu podršku mladima kroz donošenje odluka temeljenih na znanju, multisektorski pristup i suradnju. --------------- IN ENGLISH: The document presents the results of a comprehensive study on the needs and challenges faced by young people, with a particular focus on their mental health and social inclusion. The introduction outlines the methodology used, which includes both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The second section presents the research findings, reflecting the position, needs, and perspectives of young people. The third part of the document offers a set of concrete recommendations aimed at various target groups – from young people themselves, to youth workers, educational institutions, public bodies, researchers, civil society organisations, international organisations, and the media. The following section outlines short-, medium-, and long-term priorities for action, while the final part highlights the importance of co-creation principles in shaping youth-focused policies and practices. The document aims to encourage systematic, comprehensive, and coordinated support for young people through evidence-based decision-making, a multisectoral approach, and collaboration
Rezultati petog nacionalnog istraživanja zapošljivosti diplomiranih studenata i studentica (2023.): rad tijekom studija, mobilnost i plaće diplomiranih
No full textIN CROATIAN: Peto nacionalno istraživanje zapošljivosti diplomiranih studenata i studentica, koje je provela Agencija za znanost i visoko obrazovanje između studenog 2023. i siječnja 2024., obuhvatilo je 21,2 % generacije diplomiranih 2022. godine (6.532 sudionika s 88 visokih učilišta). Cilj istraživanja bio je analizirati njihove sociodemografske karakteristike, radne ishode, prostornu mobilnost i profesionalni status godinu dana nakon završetka studija. Rezultati pokazuju da je 28,9 % ispitanika radilo prije diplomiranja, pri čemu studenti koji su kontinuirano radili tijekom studija ostvaruju stabilnija zaposlenja i viša primanja, ali i niže zadovoljstvo poslom. Stopa zaposlenosti sudionika_ca iznosi 85,7 %, a 87,4 % diplomiranih pronalazi posao unutar godine dana. Najvišu zapošljivost bilježe tehnička i biomedicinska područja, dok se društvene i humanističke znanosti suočavaju s duljim razdobljima traženja posla. Mobilnost diplomiranih uglavnom je privremena – 68,8 % ostaje u regiji studija, a samo 18,2 % trajno mijenja regiju, uključujući 4,4 % koji odlaze u inozemstvo. Prosječna neto primanja iznose 1.114 EUR, uz značajne razlike prema području studija, vrsti ugovora i regiji zaposlenja. U usporedbi s generacijom diplomiranih 2020., bilježi se rast stope zaposlenosti i udjela ugovora na neodređeno, ali i smanjenje rada u struci te zadovoljstva poslom. Istraživanje potvrđuje visoku razinu zapošljivosti hrvatskih diplomiranih, uz potrebu daljnjeg praćenja kvalitete zaposlenja i povezanosti studijskih programa s tržištem rada. --------------- IN ENGLISH: The fifth Fifth National Survey of Graduate Employability, conducted by the Agency for Science and Higher Education between November 2023 and January 2024, covered 21.2% of the 2022 graduate cohort (6,532 participants from 88 higher education institutions). The study aimed to analyse graduates’ sociodemographic characteristics, employment outcomes, spatial mobility, and professional status one year after graduation. Results show that 28.9% of respondents were employed before completing their studies; those who worked continuously during their studies tend to have more stable employment and higher earnings but report lower job satisfaction. The employment rate among participants stands at 85.7%, with 87.4% finding employment within a year after graduation. Graduates from technical and biomedical fields achieve the highest employability, while those from social sciences and humanities face longer job search periods. Mobility is mostly temporary – 68.8% remain in the region where they studied, while only 18.2% relocate permanently, including 4.4% who move abroad. Average net earnings amount to EUR 1,114, with significant differences across fields of study, contract types, and regions. Compared to the 2020 graduate cohort, employment rates and the share of permanent contracts have increased, while employment within one’s field and job satisfaction have declined. The study confirms the high employability of Croatian graduates while underscoring the need for continued monitoring of job quality and the alignment between study programmes and labour market needs
Making the most of EU research and innovation investments: rethinking dual use: a policy brief by the Expert Group on the Economic and Societal impact of Research & Innovation
No full textSignificant political, geopolitical, and technological shifts are currently unfolding, with farreaching consequences for Europe’s economy and security. The war on Ukraine, climate change, and rising geopolitical tensions are destabilising long-standing alliances and partnerships. They are furthermore disrupting established global value chains and flows of goods and services. At the same time, the rapid advancement of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the US and China highlights the need for Europe to strengthen its technological capabilities. The changing geopolitical and geoeconomic environments are prompting increases in government defence spending across the European Union (EU) that few would have predicted just a few months ago. The speed, scale, and direction of these changes underline the importance that the EU puts in place mechanisms and structures to capture more effectively the synergies between research and innovation on the one hand and defence and security on the other. The changing nature of warfare, closely linked to the development of general-purpose technologies, not least AI, further accentuates the need for a revised and more systematic EU approach to dual use. History shows that defence is one of the most powerful drivers of technological development and innovation, at the same time as nonmilitary (or civilian) research and innovation are critical in building military strength and guaranteeing national security. Strengthening the linkages and synergies between the two, while at the same time managing potential risks, is essential for both our continent’s economic development and our ability to defend ourselves. Dual-use technologies are at the heart of innovation in sectors ranging from space and cybersecurity to AI and advanced manufacturing. In a rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape, the ability to coordinate, invest in, and regulate dual use R&D is essential for strategic autonomy and long-term resilience. Managing these technologies smoothly enables the EU to harness their full potential for economic growth while safeguarding sensitive research and promoting responsible innovation. Effectively managing and enabling dual-use research and development is thus an integral part of equipping the EU for a more dangerous and contested future. In a time of increasing pressures on sustainability, security, prosperity and government budgets, it is critical for the EU’s future that synergies are exploited more generally and actively within all areas to ensure maximum return on and efficiency of R&I investments. This requires systems thinking, with dual use R&I being an integral component of such thinking. In this report, we argue that the EU should adopt a ‘dual use by design’ approach (Preparedness Union Strategy 2025), as a vital pillar for ensuring Europe’s security, competitiveness and prosperity. We advocate that Europe integrates dual-use research into the next EU Framework Programme and aligns it with the European Defence Fund; fosters collaboration between civilian and military sectors while managing security through ethical governance; applies the principle “as open as possible, as secure as necessary” to balance innovation and safety; and establish ethics and safety committees in research institutions with clear incident reporting systems. Our suggested actions also entail educating both researchers and security professionals on dual-use risks and opportunities. We acknowledge and fully endorse that the European project is, at its core, a peace project, and should remain so. Rethinking dual use in the way we propose is not in conflict with that aim – rather it is a vital component of ensuring Europe’s ability to defend itself while ensuring that technology serves people, prosperity and the planet
What makes citizens satisfied?: ecological aspects of neighbourhood satisfaction in Croatian cities in socialist and post-socijalist housing estates
No full textIN ENGLISH: Neighborhood satisfaction is one of dimensions of the quality of life. It is explored in relation to the perception of life satisfaction in urban areas, and regarded as an indicator of the quality of housing policies. Nowadays especially, the concept of life satisfaction includes ecological characteristics of the environment. This paper examines the ecological aspects of life satisfaction in large Croatian cities (Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek), and the ecological aspects of life satisfaction in large housing estates (LHE), built both in the socijalist and post-socialist periods. The research was conducted using mixed methodology; the questionnaire was applied on a sample of N=1,536 inhabitants, and focus groups were carried out with residents of socijalist and post-socialist housing estates. Th e results show that the residents of the cities and estates are most satisfied with natural resources, i.e. the quality of water and air, less satisfied with the level of noise, and least satisfied with the way waste is disposed and removed. In that regard, there are statistically signifi cant differences among cities, as well as estates, in relation to the period when they were built. Regarding the green infrastructure, previous research has shown that due to a lack of planning and the market conditions of post-socialist construction, the estates from this period have defi cient green areas. Furthermore, the residents of all estates think that the greening of the environment is a priority, due to climate change, but also for ensuring the quality of life in them. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Zadovoljstvo stanovanjem jedna je od dimenzija kvalitete života koja se ispituje u vezi s percepcijom zadovoljstva životom u urbanim područjima te se smatra indikatorom kvalitete stambenih politika. Koncept zadovoljstva životom danas pogotovo uključuje ekološke osobine okruženja. U ovom radu ispituju se ekološki aspekti zadovoljstva života u velikim gradovima Hrvatske (Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek) kao i ekološki aspekti zadovoljstva života u large housing estates (LHE) izgrađenima u socijalističkom i post-socijalističkom razdoblju. Istraživanje je provedeno mješovitom metodologijom; anketom na uzorku od N=1536 stanovnika te metodom fokusnih grupa sa stanarima iz socijalističkih i post-socijalističkih naselja. Rezultati pokazuju kako su stanovnici gradova i naselja najzadovoljniji prirodnim resursima odnosno kvalitetom vode i zraka, manje zadovoljni razinom buke, a najmanje zadovoljni načinom odlaganja i odvožnje otpada. U tom pogledu postoje značajne statističke razlike među gradovima kao i naseljima s obzirom na razdoblje izgradnje. Što se tiče zelene infrastrukture pokazuje se da su uslijed neplaniranja te tržišnih okolnosti izgradnje post-socijalistička naselja deficitarna zelenilom, a da stanovnici svih naselja smatraju kako je ozelenjavanje okoliša prioritet zbog klimatskih promjena ali i kvalitete života u njima
Emotions and identities in anti-gender contention: a reinvention of radical-right protest culture
No full textIN ENGLISH: This article analyses the emotions evoked by the visual and performative mobilisation of the anti-gender movement through a case study of the March for Life in Zagreb, Croatia. Relying on theories of collective action investigating the role of emotional mobilisation in the public sphere, we argue that the anti-gender movement accentuates ritual practices that transcend the instrumental functions of protest and belong to a new, postmodern repertoire of identity expression traditionally reserved for left-wing movements. We examine the role of emotions in the movement's collective identity formation using multimodal analysis and the participant observation method. First, we employ multimodal qualitative analysis on 600 posts from the actors’ Facebook page. Second, we analyse a poster of the March in depth, investigating its symbolic, rhetorical, and connotative meanings. Finally, we analysed the cultural logic of the March for Life and its kinaesthetic and symbolic aspects as participants, including music, signs, route, organisation, and artefacts. The paper argues that the movement's success is mainly due to its articulation of emotions, as it adopts the discourse, emotional tone, and performative elements of identity politics. The movement enables collective emotional expression to construct a positive participatory political identity rooted in an idealised vision of the heteronormative family. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Ovaj članak analizira emocije koje pobuđuje vizualna i izvedbena mobilizacija antirodnog pokreta kroz studiju slučaja Hoda za život u Zagrebu, Hrvatska. Oslanjajući se na teorije kolektivnog djelovanja koje istražuju ulogu emocionalne mobilizacije u javnoj sferi, tvrdimo da antirodni pokret naglašava ritualne prakse koje nadilaze instrumentalne funkcije prosvjeda i pripadaju novom, postmodernom repertoaru izražavanja identiteta, tradicionalno rezerviranom za ljevičarske pokrete. U radu ispitujemo ulogu emocija u formiranju kolektivnog identiteta pokreta koristeći multimodalnu analizu i metodu sudioničkog promatranja. Prvo provodimo multimodalnu kvalitativnu analizu 600 objava s Facebook stranice aktera. Drugo, detaljno analiziramo plakat Hoda, istražujući njegova simbolička, retorička i konotativna značenja. Na kraju analiziramo kulturnu logiku Hoda za život te njegove kinestetičke i simboličke aspekte kao sudionici, uključujući glazbu, znakove, rutu, organizaciju i artefakte. Rad tvrdi da se uspjeh pokreta uvelike temelji na njegovoj artikulaciji emocija, jer preuzima diskurs, emocionalni ton i izvedbene elemente politike identiteta. Pokret omogućuje kolektivno emocionalno izražavanje kako bi konstruirao pozitivni participativni politički identitet ukorijenjen u idealiziranoj viziji heteronormativne obitelji
How do personal networks affect adherence to epidemiological measures, vaccine hesitancy, and the risk assessment of COVID-19?
Full text linkIN ENGLISH: Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, adherence to epidemiological measures was proved related to the information exchanged through personal networks. However, there is still limited evidence on the effect of specific network properties. Using data from a randomised national sample of adults in Croatia (N = 765), we examine the role of various personal networks attributes with regard to three dependent variables: risk assessment of COVID-19, adherence to epidemiological measures and intention to avoid vaccination. We propose "pandemic discussion networks" as personal networks that encompass social contacts with whom respondents exchange pandemic-related information. Network heterogeneity in terms of the discussants' education level contributed to more protective behaviour, while network heterogeneity in terms of age contributed to an inclination towards vaccination. These associations were confirmed independently of behavioural homophily in terms of risky health behaviour, which was also found. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Od početka pandemije COVID-19 dokazana je povezanost pridržavanja epidemioloških mjera s informacijama
razmjenjivanim kroz osobne mreže. Unatoč tome, malo je
dokaza o efektima pojedinih obilježja osobnih mreža.
Koristeći se podacima iz slučajnoga nacionalnog uzorka
odraslih u Hrvatskoj (N = 765), ispitujemo odnos raznih
obilježja osobnih mreža s trima zavisnim varijablama:
procjenom općeg rizika od COVID-19, pridržavanjem
epidemioloških mjera i namjerom izbjegavanja cijepljenja.
Predlažemo "pandemijske diskusijske mreže" kao osobne
mreže sačinjene od sugovornica s kojima ispitanice
razmjenjuju informacije ili raspravljaju o pandemiji.
Obrazovna heterogenost mreža pridonijela je pridržavanju
mjera, a dobna heterogenost mreža pridonijela je sklonosti
cijepljenju. Ove su povezanosti potvrđene neovisno o
ponašajnoj sličnosti prema rizičnom ponašanju, koja je
također utvrđena
Changes in job characteristics and job satisfaction of school psychologists and pedagogues during the pandemic
Full text linkIN ENGLISH: This paper presents the results of a survey of changes in the job characteristics of professional associates in schools related to supporting pupils, teachers, and parentsthat followed the organisational adjustment of school processes during the COVID-19pandemic. The study included 245 pedagogues and psychologists working inCroatian elementary and upper-secondary schools. Differences in perceived changesin the structure and demands of jobs were examined regarding different profilesof professional staff and types of schools in which the professional associates areemployed. A four-level hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to explorethe contributions of various individual and school factors to professional staff jobsatisfaction, finding that the quality of collegial support was the only statisticallysignificant predictor. This study provides an empirical basis for understanding changesin the work processes of professionals in schools and contributes to the identificationof professionals’ specific needs for additional training and support. --------------- IN CROATIAN: U ovom radu prikazuju se rezultati istraživanja o promjenama u obilježjima poslastručnih suradnika u školama koje se odnose na pružanje podrške učenicima,učiteljima i roditeljima, nastalih zbog organizacijske prilagodbe rada škola tijekompandemije bolesti Covid-19. Istraživanjem je obuhvaćeno 245 pedagoga/inja ipsihologa/inja zaposlenih u hrvatskim osnovnim i srednjim školama. Provjerenesu razlike u percipiranim promjenama u strukturi i zahtjevnosti poslova s obziromna različite profile stručnih suradnika i vrstu škola u kojima su stručni suradnicizaposleni. Provedena je hijerarhijska regresijska analiza u četiri koraka kako bi seprovjerili doprinosi nekoliko individualnih i školskih čimbenika na zadovoljstvostručnih suradnika poslom, pri čemu je utvrđeno da se kvaliteta kolegijalne podrškepokazuje kao jedini statistički značajni prediktor. Ovo istraživanje predstavljaempirijsku osnovu za razumijevanje promjena u odvijanju radnih procesa stručnihsuradnika u školama te doprinosi prepoznavanju specifičnih potreba stručnihsuradnika za dodatnim usavršavanjem i podrškom
Perception of the European Union in the context of the migration crisis – a comparative study of the Czech Republic and Croatia : doctoral dissertation
Full text linkIN ENGLISH: This dissertation is a comparative study of the Czech Republic and Croatia built on the logic of different outcomes regarding the perception of the European Union in the context of the migration crisis. Two Central European cases represent one case of a member state, the Czech Republic, which rejected deeper integration into the EU through the rejection of mandatory migrant quotas and whose political elites politicized the topic of migration and linked it with questions of European integration in a critical manner. In contrast, the other case, that of Croatia, shows the absence of these observations. Building on theories of European integration, above all the post-functionalist approach, the dissertation looks at not only political elites but also the attitudes of citizens, asking if they can be linked with positions of political actors. Attitudes of citizens are analyzed through cross-national survey data. Political elites are investigated through three sources: expert opinions on party positions, political party parliamentary manifestos, and online media texts. The main goal of the dissertation was to answer how the politicization of the migration crisis reflected on the perception of the European Union. The findings can be summarized by stating that the Czech Republic needs to be understood as a case where marked sensitivity about questions of sovereignty developed, paving the way to political consensus about differentiated integration. In Croatia, the political elites understood migration as an issue that has to be managed humanely and in cooperation with the EU. The dissertation also asked what the dynamics between the citizens and political elites were like regarding the perception of the European Union. Based on the evidence present in the dissertation, a top-down process can be argued as decisive in the Czech Republic, despite some evidence that also shows the relevance of the concerns and actions of citizens in shaping political elites’ actions and positions. Finally, the dissertation sought to offer some explanations as to why Czech political elites politicized the topic during the height of the crisis, but the Croatian ones did not. The explanations offered are: that the countries were at different points on the path toward European integration, that the agency of national political elites as influenced by party opportunity structure mattered, and that legacies each country carried as well as identity concerns played a significant role. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Ova disertacija komparativna je studija Češke i Hrvatske koncipirana na temelju logike različitih ishoda u pogledu percepcije Europske unije u kontekstu migracijske krize. Ova dva srednjoeuropska slučaja predstavljaju slučaj jedne države članice – Češke – koja je odbacila dublju integraciju u EU putem odbacivanja obveznih migrantskih kvota i čije su političke elite politizirale temu migracija i povezivale je s pitanjima europskih integracija na kritičan način. Nasuprot tome, drugi slučaj, onaj Hrvatske, pokazuje izostanak takvih zapažanja. Takav odnos predstavljao je dobar istraživački materijal čija važnost leži u popunjavanju praznine u literaturi vezanoj uz povezanost stavova prema migracijama i Europskoj uniji, kao i onoj vezanoj uz pitanja europskih integracija u Hrvatskoj nakon pristupanja EU. Štoviše, analiziranje epizoda u kojima je jedinstvo unutar EU-a narušeno nosi veliku važnost u stvarnom životu za pitanja otpornost i budućnost EU-a. Nadovezujući se na teorije europskih integracija, ponajprije postfunkcionalizam, disertacija promatra ne samo kako su se političke elite pozicionirale, već i kakvi su bili stavovi građana te mogu li se oni povezati s pozicijama političkih aktera. Istraživački dio se stoga dijeli na onaj koji se dotiču građana i onaj koji se dotiče političkih elita. Stavovi građana analiziraju se pomoću anketnih podataka iz dva međunacionalna istraživanja – European Social Survey (ESS) i International Social Survey Program (ISSP). ESS je glavni izvor koji omogućuje usporedbu stanja prije (2008.) i stanja nakon krize (2018.), dok podaci iz ISSP-a služe za popunjavanje praznine, nudeći podatke za 2013., kao i određene deskriptivne podatke. Političke elite istražuju se kroz tri izvora: stručna mišljenja o stranačkim stavovima, saborski manifesti političkih stranaka i tekstovi u internetskim medijima. Mišljenja stručnjaka analiziraju se rezultatima Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES), dok se za manifeste političkih stranaka koristi baza podataka Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). Autor je uzorkovao online tekstove koji su korišteni za najvažniju, tematsku analizu pozicioniranja političkih elita. Glavni cilj disertacije bio je odgovoriti kako se politizacija migracijske krize odrazila na percepciju Europske unije. Nalazi se mogu sažeti navodeći da Češku Republiku treba shvatiti kao slučaj u kojem se razvila izrazita osjetljivost o pitanjima suvereniteta, utirući put političkom konsenzusu o diferenciranom integracijskom pristupu pitanju migracijske krize. Češke političke elite bile su jedinstvene u odbijanju migrantskih kvota, no većina ih je isto tako predlagala neke druge oblike suradnje unutar EU-a koji bi bili usmjereni na rješavanje krize. U Hrvatskoj su političke elite migracije shvatile kao problem koji treba rješavati humano i u suradnji s EU. Nije zabilježen niti jedan akter koji se usprotivio migrantskim kvotama, a iako je bilo kritika na račun EU-a, to je ipak poslalo poruku da država želi veću suradnju. U disertaciji se također postavlja pitanje kakva je dinamika percepcije Europske unije između građana i političkih elita. Podaci istraživanja su pokazali da su razlike bile prisutne na prvoj točki mjerenja te su se čak povećavale u deset godina. Rezultati iz 2008. pokazuju da su Česi i prije krize više bojazni od Hrvata propuštali useljenike različitih etničkih skupina iz većinskih i siromašnijih zemalja izvan Europe. Isto tako, Česi su vjerojatnije vidjeli da imigranti potkopavaju kulturni život zemlje nego Hrvati, koji su nešto više naginjali ideji da oni obogaćuju kulturni život. Višestruka regresijska analiza dodatno je otkrila da je potpora daljnjem ujedinjenju EU bila znatno više vezana uz stavove prema imigraciji u Češkoj nego u Hrvatskoj još 2008., dok su 2018. te dvije teme postale osjetno više povezane. Međutim, na temelju dokaza prisutnih u disertaciji, proces odozgo prema dolje može se smatrati odlučujućim u Češkoj, unatoč nekim dokazima koji također pokazuju relevantnost zabrinutosti i djelovanja građana u oblikovanju djelovanja i pozicija političkih elita. Naposljetku, disertacija je nastojala ponuditi neka objašnjenja zašto su češke političke elite politizirale temu u jeku krize, a hrvatske nisu. Ponuđena objašnjenja su da su se zemlje nalazile na različitim točkama na putu prema europskim integracijama, pri čemu je Hrvatska željela dublju integraciju te stoga morala paziti na suradnju s EU-om. Drugo objašnjenje je djelovanje nacionalnih političkih elita, pri čemu je u Češkoj došlo do većeg pritiska na kritike prema EU. Nadovezujući se na ovo je objašnjenje ovisnosti o putu i naslijeđa koje je svaka zemlja nosila – u Češkoj je postojalo i veće nasljeđe euroskepticizma i više strepnje prema imigraciji, dok se u Hrvatskoj nasljeđe rata može promatrati kao što je dovelo do veće simpatije prema migrantima. U konačnici, valja istaknuti i relevantnost pitanja identiteta, kako ih ističe i postfunkcionalistički pristup europskoj integraciji. Problemi koje je češka politička elita imala s prijedlogom EU-a o kvotama za migrante mogu se povezati s percepcijom ozbiljne kulturne prijetnje koju su vidjeli kao da bi mogla doći od muslimanskih migranata
Political knowledge of youth and their proneness to prejudice: empirical test of direct and indirect effect via right-wing authoritarianism
Full text linkIN ENGLISH: In this paper, we explored how political knowledge related to generalised prejudice, defined as the common variance of three highly correlated specific prejudice concerning ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. We aligned our hypotheses with the Cognitive Ability and Style to Evaluation (CASE) model, which postulates the mechanism underlying the relationship between individual-level cognitive variables and intergroup outcomes. As knowledge in its many forms correlates with and serves as a proxy of cognitive abilities, we hypothesised that political knowledge, when considered a precursor of prejudice, can be expected to act similarly to cognitive variables within the CASE model. We performed an empirical test of the hypothesised relationships on a nationally representative sample of Croatian students in their final year of secondary education (aged 17–19). As expected, there was a significant negative association between political knowledge and generalised prejudice, both direct and indirect via right-wing authoritarianism. Youth with higher political knowledge had significantly lower levels of generalised prejudice. In addition, while there were differences in the overall levels of political knowledge, right-wing authoritarianism and generalised prejudice between students attending different secondary education programmes, the pattern of relationships between these concepts was found to be stable across educational settings. --------------- IN CROATIAN: U ovom smo radu istražili odnos političkog znanja mladih i njihovih generaliziranih predrasuda, koje su definirane kao zajednička varijanca triju visoko koreliranih specifičnih predrasuda (etničke, rodne i seksualne). Istraživačke hipoteze oslanjaju se na teorijske pretpostavke modela Cognitive Ability and Style to Evaluation (CASE), koji postulira mehanizam na kojem se temelji odnos između individualnih kognitivnih varijabli i međugrupnih ishoda. Budući da je znanje u korelaciji s kognitivnim sposobnostima i služi kao njihov proxy, pretpostavili smo da političko znanje, kada se razmatra kao prediktor predrasuda, funkcionira slično kao kognitivne varijable unutar CASE modela. Empirijska provjera pretpostavljenih odnosa provedena je na nacionalno reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatskih učenika završnih razreda srednjoškolskog obrazovanja (17–19 godina). U skladu s očekivanjima, utvrđena je značajna negativna povezanost političkog znanja i generaliziranih predrasuda, izravna i neizravna, posredovana sklonošću desnoj autoritarnosti. Mladi s višim političkim znanjem su imali značajno niže razine generaliziranih predrasuda od mladih s nižim političkim znanjem. Nađene su i razlike u ukupnoj razini političkog znanja te izraženosti desne autoritarnosti i generaliziranih predrasuda među učenicima koji pohađaju različite srednjoškolske programe, no obrazac odnosa među istraživanim konceptima pokazao se stabilnim u svim obrazovnim okruženjima
Youth justification of informality in the post-Yugoslav countries: reflection of political socialization or pragmatism?
Full text linkIN ENGLISH: Informal practices are rather widespread in post-Yugoslav societies, representing a complex problem with significant social, economic and political implications. The study investigates the factors that determine or contribute to shaping young people’s benevolent attitude towards certain types of informality, by exploring the determinants of informality justification or permissiveness towards certain forms of informal practices. Firstly, justification of informal practices are observed as a reflection of youth political socialization, which imply their relation to the political system and democratic values. Secondly, this type of justification potentially stems from their rational evaluation of institutional performance by estimating the necessity of informality as a mechanism to navigate the perceived inefficiencies of formal institutions. By examining these dimensions, the aim is to detect the extent to which these two sets of factors contribute to young people’s justification of informality in the post-Yugoslav context. --------------- IN CROATIAN: Neformalne prakse razmjerno su raširene u postjugoslavenskim društvima i predstavljaju složen problem sa značajnim društvenim, ekonomskim i političkim implikacijama. Rad istražuje faktore koji određuju ili pridonose oblikovanju benevolentnog stava mladih prema nekim vrstama neformalnosti, istražujući odrednice opravdanosti neformalnosti ili permisivnosti prema određenim oblicima neformalnih praksi. Prvo, opravdanost neformalnih praksi promatra se kao odraz političke socijalizacije mladih, što implicira njihov odnos prema političkom sustavu i demokratskim vrijednostima. Drugo, ova vrsta opravdanja potencijalno proizlazi iz njihove racionalne procjene institucionalne učinkovitosti, pri čemu vide nužnost neformalnih praksi kao mehanizam za prevladavanje percipiranih neučinkovitosti formalnih institucija. Ispitivanjem ovih dimenzija cilj je otkriti u kojoj mjeri ova dva skupa faktora doprinose opravdavanju neformalnih praksi među mladima u postjugoslavenskim zemljama