Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas
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Postkomunizmo transformacija: tarp liberalaus pliuralizmo ir demokratinės bendruomenės
Get PDFThe main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and plu­ralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of com­munism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberaliza­tion, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.Santrauka. Šio straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti ir išnagrinėti problemines sąveikas tarp postkomunizmo ir demokratijos; reflektuoti vidines politiškumo formos perskyras, kurios formuojasi komunizmo ir libera­lizmo idėjų ir skirtingų visuomenės formų, holistinės ir pliuralistinės, susidūrimo momentu. Teigiama, kad postkomunizmo politiškumo forma yra mišri, apimanti tris – komunizmo, liberalizmo ir postmoderniz­mo – alter ego. Kiek postkomunizmo transformacijos fenomenas yra autonomiškas, t.y. siekia apibrėžti savo ribas ir neištirpti kitame, tiek reflektuoja santykius a) komunizmo, b) liberalizmo ir c) postmodernizmo atžvilgiais. Pirmasis santykis nagrinėtinas kaip posttotalitarizmo, antrasis – kaip demokratijos liberali­zavimo, trečiasis – kaip pliuralumo pliuralizacijos problema.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: postkomunizmas, liberalus pliuralizmas, demokratinis pliuralizmas, diferen­cinė politiškumo prigimtis.
Key words: post-communism, liberal pluralism, democratic pluralism, differential nature of the po­litical.
ABSTRACT
THE TRANSFORMATION OF POST-COMMUNISM: BETWEEN LIBERAL PLURALISM AND DEMOCRACTIC COMMUNITY
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and plu­ralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of com­munism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberaliza­tion, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism
Kas ilgisi sovietmečio? Ekonominio statuso, socialinės aplinkos ir vertybinių nuostatų įtaka sovietinei – antisovietinei skirčiai Lietuvoje
Get PDFWhile more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet atti­tudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens. The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 post-electoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance.Santrauka. Straipsnyje keliamas klausimas, kas lemia dabartinių Lietuvos gyventojų sovietinės pra­eities vertinimą. Remiantis reprezentatyvios 2012 m. porinkiminės Lietuvos gyventojų apklausos duo­menimis, tikrinamos hipotezės, išplaukiančios iš socialinių skirčių teorijos. Logistinės regresijos rezultatai parodė, kad sovietmečio vertinimas susijęs ne su dabartine ekonomine padėtimi, bet su subjektyviai jau­čiamu socialinio statuso pokyčiu ir sovietmečiu patirtomis represijomis. Dar didesnį poveikį sovietmečio vertinimui turi socialinė aplinka ir dalyvavimo Sąjūdyje patirtis bei vertybiniai ideologiniai įsitikinimai.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: politinė skirtis, rinkiminis elgesys, politinės nuostatos, sovietmečio nostalgija.
Keywords: political cleavage, electoral behaviour, political attitudes, soviet nostalgia.
ABSTRACT
WHO IS NOSTALGIC ABOUT THE SOVIET PAST? THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC STATUS, SOCIAL NETWORKS AND IDEOLOGICAL BELIEFS ON THE SOVIET – ANTI-SOVIET CLEAVAGE IN LITHUANIA
While more than 20 years have passed from the collapse of the Soviet regime, the Lithuanian society is still deeply divided by different attitudes towards the life in the former regime. The soviet – anti-soviet atti­tudes allow predicting voting behavior of the Lithuanian electorate far better than any other socioeconomic or attitudinal factor. The goal of the article is to explore the determinants of the attitudes toward the soviet past of the Lithuanian citizens.The article tests the hypotheses based on the theory of political cleavages using the data of the 2012 post-electoral survey. The results of the logistic regression demonstrate that the attitudes towards the soviet past are explained by the change of social status rather than current economic position of inhabitants. Moreover, personal social networks and the experience of political mobilization in the late 1980-ies are much better predictors of the anti-soviet attitudes than socioeconomic factors. Finally, ideological beliefs appeared to have independent impact on the anti-soviet stance
Kiek kartų Lietuvoje buvo restauruotas kapitalizmas? Apie dvi Lietuvos okupacijas ir jų žalos skaičiavimus
Get PDFThe paper compares the political economic systems under German (1915–1918) and Soviet (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) occupations in Lithuania. During the World War I, Lithuania was part of the German occupation zone Ober Ost, ruled by the higher commando of the German Eastern front (Oberbefehlshaber Ost). The German military command of Eastern front under Paul Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff used Lithuania as a laboratory for large scale social experiment, creating the first planned command administrative economy in the world. After they were promoted to the higher commando of all German armed forced and established in 1917–1918 de facto military dictatorship over Germany, they made the attempt to establish the Ober Ost system in the metropole. Although the realization of the complete „Hindenburg programme“ did fail, by 1917 Germany lived under military socialism (Kriegssozialismus) and coercive economy, which became the example and source of inspiration for Bolsheviks constructing Soviet model of state socialism. In 1940, this model came back to Lithuania, history making the full circle. This means that the market transition in 1990–1992 was second restoration of capitalism in Lithuania, because in 1918–1922 the capitalist economic system also was restored here jointly with the establishment of national state. Contemporary Lithuania demands from Russia to pay for damage inflicted on Lithuanian economy by Soviet occupation, and interwar Lithuania did demand the same form Weimar Germany in 1922–1923. However, while interwar Lithuania did ask to pay only direct occupation damage, contemporary Lithuania demands to compensate also the indirect damage. The main part of this damage is the loss of the national income which Lithuania did not receive in 1940–1990 because the efficient capitalist economic system was replaced by the less productive state socialist system during this time. However, the calculations of the indirect damage incorrectly assume that all varieties of capitalism are more efficient in the developing countries in comparison with command administrative system. The assumption that the variety of capitalism which existed in Lithuania by 1940 (state cooperative capitalism) was not less efficient than Stalinist Soviet socialism is politically correct one, as much as the expectation that under this system independent Lithuania would become advanced technological frontier country („second Finland“) by 1990. Nevertheless, the counterfactual development path of the independent capitalist Lithuania in 1940–1990 would include critical conjunctures and crossroads, which could end with Lithuania entering „low road“ development path. Tellingly, Latin American capitalist country Uruguay (similar to Lithuania and other Baltic culture by its size and economc structure) had higher GDP per capita level than Lithuania in 1940, but by 1990 this level was lower than in Soviet Lithuania. Importantly, Uruguay never was under Soviet Russian occupation, did not construct socialism or suffered war damage.Santrauka. Straipsnyje lyginamos kaizerinės (1915–1918 m.) ir sovietinės (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) okupacijų laikais Lietuvoje susikūrusios politinės ekonominės Oberosto (Vokietijos Rytų fronto vadui pavaldžios okupacinės zonos, kurios didžiąją dalį sudarė Lietuvos teritorija) ir LTSR politinės ekonominės sistemos. Oberoste Vokietijos Rytų fronto kariuomenės vadai Paulius Hindenburgas ir Erichas Ludendorffas sukūrė pirmąją moderniausiais laikais planuojamo komandinio administracinio ūkio siste­mą, kurios pirmąja laboratorija tapo okupuota Lietuva. 1917–1918 m. tapę faktiniais Vokietijos diktato­riais, Oberosto įkūrėjai Lietuvoje išbandytą ūkio sistemą mėgino įdiegti metropolijoje. Nors šis mėginimas iki galo nepavyko, karinio socializmo kūrimas Vokietijoje jau 1917 m. pažengė pakankamai toli, kad taptų inspiracijos šaltiniu bolševikams, kuriant sovietinį valstybinio socializmo modelį, kuris 1940 m. „sugrįžo“ į Lietuvą. Kai 1990–1992 m. Lietuvoje buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka, tai mūsų šalies istorijoje įvyko jau antrą kartą, nes taip pat ir 1918–1922 m. kartu su nepriklausomos valstybės kūrimu buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka. Šiuolaikinė Lietuva yra pateikusi okupacijos žalos atlygi­nimo sąskaitą SSRS teisių perėmėjai Rusijai, o tarpukario Lietuva okupacijos žalos atlyginimo reikalavo iš Weimaro Vokietijos. Tačiau jeigu tarpukario Lietuva reikalavo atlyginti tik tiesioginę žalą, šiuolaikinė Lietuva siekia taip pat ir netiesioginės žalos atlyginimo. Pagrindinę šios žalos dalį sudaro 1940–1990 m. Lietuvos negautos nacionalinės pajamos, kurių dydžio įvertinimas priklauso nuo prielaidų, kokie būtų kontrafaktinės nepriklausomos kapitalistinės Lietuvos ūkio raidos rezultatai 1990 m. Straipsnyje patei­kiami du – optimistinis (1990 m. „dausų Lietuvos“ kaip „antrosios Suomijos“) ir pesimistinis (1990 m. kontrafaktinė Lietuva kaip „Baltijos Urugvajus“) modeliai.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kapitalizmo restauracija, komandinė administracinė sistema, Hindenburgo programa, okupacijos žalos atlyginimas, kapitalizmo įvairovė.
Key words: command administrative system, Hindenburg programme, restoration of capitalism, com­pensation of occupation damage, varieties of capitalism.
SUMMARY
HOW MANY TIMES CAPITALISM WAS RESTORED IN LITHUANIA? ON TWO OCCUPATIONS OF LITHUANIA AND THEIR DAMAGE CALCULATIONS
The paper compares the political economic systems under German (1915–1918) and Soviet (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) occupations in Lithuania. During the World War I, Lithuania was part of the Ger­man occupation zone Ober Ost, ruled by the higher commando of the German Eastern front (Oberbefe­hlshaber Ost). The German military command of Eastern front under Paul Hindenburg and Erich Luden­dorff used Lithuania as a laboratory for large scale social experiment, creating the first planned command administrative economy in the world. After they were promoted to the higher commando of all German armed forced and established in 1917–1918 de facto military dictatorship over Germany, they made the attempt to establish the Ober Ost system in the metropole. Although the realization of the complete „Hin­denburg programme“ did fail, by 1917 Germany lived under military socialism (Kriegssozialismus) and coercive economy, which became the example and source of inspiration for Bolsheviks constructing Soviet model of state socialism. In 1940, this model came back to Lithuania, history making the full circle. This means that the market transition in 1990–1992 was second restoration of capitalism in Lithuania, because in 1918–1922 the capitalist economic system also was restored here jointly with the establishment of na­tional state. Contemporary Lithuania demands from Russia to pay for damage inflicted on Lithuanian economy by Soviet occupation, and interwar Lithuania did demand the same form Weimar Germany in 1922–1923. However, while interwar Lithuania did ask to pay only direct occupation damage, contem­porary Lithuania demands to compensate also the indirect damage. The main part of this damage is the loss of the national income which Lithuania did not receive in 1940–1990 because the efficient capitalist economic system was replaced by the less productive state socialist system during this time. However, the calculations of the indirect damage incorrectly assume that all varieties of capitalism are more efficient in the developing countries in comparison with command administrative system. The assumption that the variety of capitalism which existed in Lithuania by 1940 (state cooperative capitalism) was not less efficient than Stalinist Soviet socialism is politically correct one, as much as the expectation that under this system independent Lithuania would become advanced technological frontier country („second Finland“) by 1990. Nevertheless, the counterfactual development path of the independent capitalist Lithuania in 1940–1990 would include critical conjunctures and crossroads, which could end with Lithuania entering „low road“ development path. Tellingly, Latin American capitalist country Uruguay (similar to Lithuania and other Baltic culture by its size and economc structure) had higher GDP per capita level than Lithuania in 1940, but by 1990 this level was lower than in Soviet Lithuania. Importantly, Uruguay never was under Soviet Russian occupation, did not construct socialism or suffered war damage.
Pastaba: Tyrimas finansuotas Europos socialinio fondo lėšomis pagal visuotinės dotacijos priemonę (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010).
The research for this paper was funded by European Social Fund under the Global Grant measure (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010)
Atvirumas imigracijai: Lietuvos atvejis tarptautinėje perspektyvoje
Get PDFUsing the European Social Survey 5th round data (2010/2011) author analyzes openness to immigration. The focus is on the case of Lithuania. Lithuania is exceptional as it has very low but growing rates of immigration. The first question addressed in the paper is the level of Lithuanian population‘s openness to immigration. The openness to immigration of different race and ethnicity than the majority of country’s population was measured. The results show high rates of radical (“allow many immigrants”) and moderate (“allow some”) openness to immigration. Lithuanian population’s openness to immigration is one of the highest in the group of countries that participated in ESS 5th round. The second question asks if perception of threats posed by immigrants can be used as predictor. Logistic regression results show that perception of economic and cultural threats posed by immigrants is a reliable predictor of openness to immigration – low perception of threats leads to openness to immigration.Santrauka. Depopuliacijos ir senėjančios visuomenės iššūkiai Lietuvoje aktualizuoja tiek natūralios gyventojų kaitos tiek migracijos srautų tyrimus. Prognozuojama, jog per kelis artimiausius dešimtmečius Lietuvoje natūralus gyventojų prieaugis išliks neigiamas, tačiau migracijos saldo taps teigiamu. Imigracijos tematika Lietuvoje tyrinėta mažai. Šiame straipsnyje analizuojamas Lietuvos gyventojų atvirumas imigracijai, remiamasi Europos socialinio tyrimo 2010/2011 m. duomenimis. Lietuvos gyventojams būdingas gana didelis atvirumas potencialiai kitos rasės ar etninės grupės individų imigracijai ir šis atvirumas yra vienas didžiausių tarp tyrime dalyvavusių 27-erių Europos šalių. Atvirumas imigracijai reikšmingai susijęs su imigrantų keliamų ekonominių ir kultūrinių grėsmių suvokimu. Jei imigrantų keliamos ekonominės ar kultūrinės grėsmės suvokimas nėra išreikštas, patikimai galima spėti, jog respondentas yra atviras imigracijai.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: imigracija, atvirumas imigracijai, Europos socialinis tyrimas, grupių konflikto teorija.Key words: immigration, openness to immigration, European Social Survey, group conflict theory.Abstract
Openness to immigration: a case of Lithuania in an international perspective
Using the European Social Survey 5th round data (2010/2011) author analyzes openness to immigration. The focus is on the case of Lithuania. Lithuania is exceptional as it has very low but growing rates of immigration. The first question addressed in the paper is the level of Lithuanian population‘s openness to immigration. The openness to immigration of different race and ethnicity than the majority of country’s population was measured. The results show high rates of radical (“allow many immigrants”) and moderate (“allow some”) openness to immigration. Lithuanian population’s openness to immigration is one of the highest in the group of countries that participated in ESS 5th round. The second question asks if perception of threats posed by immigrants can be used as predictor. Logistic regression results show that perception of economic and cultural threats posed by immigrants is a reliable predictor of openness to immigration – low perception of threats leads to openness to immigration.
Pastaba. Straipsnis parengtas pagal KTU Politikos ir viešojo administravimo instituto įgyvendinamą projektą „Europos socialinis tyrimas: šiuolaikinės Lietuvos visuomenės nuostatos, vertybės ir elgsena“ finansuoja Lietuvos mokslo taryba (sutarties Nr. MIP-022/2012)
Veiksmas ir komunikacija niklaso luhmanno socialinėje teorijoje
No full textThis article offers a critical introduction to some of the most striking features of Niklas Luhmann’s social theory. It opens with a discussion of Luhmann’s departure from older forms of functionalism (above all the ideas of Parsons), and of how his work marks a distinct break with essentialism, foundationalism and humanism. This is followed by an account of the importance to his theory of free-form social structures that can reproduce themselves in ways not determined by external forces, a never-ending process in which, on Luhmann’s account, human agents have no part to play. Next the place and role of communication (and of obstacles to communicative efficacy) in his vision of society are examined, and the decisive split between human action and communication systems in his work is further discussed. Finally, some of the implications of Luhmann’s theory for social critique are drawn out, and it is argued that, despite posing serious difficulties for the idea of criticism as conventionally conceived, this theory might actually help to renew it.
Keywords: communications theory, cybernetics, human action, post-humanism, social change, social criticism, social systems, social theory.Santrauka. Straipsnyje siekiama atskleisti keletą intriguojančių Niklaso Luhmanno socialinės teorijos aspektų. Trumpai aptarus, kaip Luhmannas nutolsta nuo ankstesnių funckionalizmo formų (ypač Talcotto Parsonso idėjų) ir kaip jo darbai iš esmės skiriasi nuo esencializmo, fundamentalizmo ir humanizmo, parodoma, kuo svarbi jo siūloma nevaržomų socialinių struktūrų teorija. Kalbama apie tokias struktūras, kurių reprodukcija nepriklauso nuo išorinių veiksnių, o pati reprodukcija traktuojama kaip nesibaigiantis procesas, kuriame, Luhmanno teigimu, žmogiškieji subjektai nevaidina jokio vaidmens. Vėliau kritinėje Luhmanno visuomenės teorijos analizėje pereinama prie svarstymų, koks vaidmuo tenka komunikacijai ir jos efektyvumą ribojan­tiems veiksniams, koks yra atotrūkis tarp žmogaus veiksmo ir komunikacijos sistemos. Straipsnio pabaigoje siekiama įvertinti, ar ir kaip Luhmanno teorija gali būti pritaikyta socialinėje kritikoje. Teigiama, kad ne­paisant rimtų teorijos trūkumų, ji visgi gali atnaujinti visuomenės kritinę mintį ir suteikti jai naują kryptį.
ABSTRACT
ACTION AND COMMUNICATION IN NIKLAS LUHMANN’S SOCIAL THEORY
‘Everyone knows, of course, that the word “human being” is not a human being. We must alsolearn that there is nothing in the unity of an object that corresponds to the word. Wordssuch as “human being,” “soul,” “person,” “subject,” and “individual” are nothingmore than what they effect in communication’(LUHMANN 2002; 183)
This article offers a critical introduction to some of the most striking features of Niklas Luhmann’s social theory. It opens with a discussion of Luhmann’s departure from older forms of functionalism (above all the ideas of Parsons), and of how his work marks a distinct break with essentialism, foundationalism and humanism. This is followed by an account of the importance to his theory of free-form social structures that can reproduce themselves in ways not determined by external forces, a never-ending process in which, on Luhmann’s account, human agents have no part to play. Next the place and role of communication (and of obstacles to communicative efficacy) in his vision of society are examined, and the decisive split between human action and communication systems in his work is further discussed. Finally, some of the implications of Luhmann’s theory for social critique are drawn out, and it is argued that, despite posing serious difficulties for the idea of criticism as conventionally conceived, this theory might actually help to renew it.
Keywords: communications theory, cybernetics, human action, post-humanism, social change, social criticism, social systems, social theory.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: komunikacijos teorija, kibernetika, socialinis veiksmas, post-humanizmas, socialiniai pokyčiai, socialinė kritika, socialinės sistemos, socialinė teorija
Migraciją patiriančių šeimų sociologinio tyrimo metmenys
Get PDFThe aim of the article is introduce the research design of families affected by migration. The author argues that multidimensional family study from the perspective of family and kin resources, memory discourses, family doing and displaying practices, as well as coping with hardships requires mixed methods research. Research paradigm and theoretical model are discussed, methodological decisions are introduced, it is explained that triangulation is treated as one of the leading methodological decisions of the research design. The author discloses the possibilities of pragmatic approach and discusses triangulation of theories, methods, as well as data. Symbolic interactionism constitutes the main theoretical perspective of the research study, while Reuben Hill’s family change model is treated as conceptual axis of research. The aim of methodological solutions discussed in the article is to theorize family change by means of ideas of symbolic interactionism, theoretical construct of solidarity, personal networks and conceptions of family practices. The working concept of family and analytical model of family research, as well as the guidelines of family-state relations are delineated.Santrauka. Straipsnio tikslas – pristatyti migraciją patiriančių šeimų sociologinio tyrimo metmenis. Autorė parodo, kad šeimų daugiadimensinė analizė šeimos ir giminės resursų, atminties diskursų, šeimos darybos ir demonstravimo praktikų bei sunkumų įveikos mechanizmų požiūriu, reikalauja mišrių metodų tyrimo. Aptariamas paradigmos ir konceptualaus tyrimo modelio pasirinkimas, pristatomi metodologiniai sprendimai, analizuojama, kaip derinimas tampa svarbia metodologine tyrimo ašimi. Straipsnio autorė atskleidžia pragmatinės koncepcijos taikymo galimybes ir išryškina teorijų, metodų bei duomenų derinimą. Sociologiniame tyrime simbolinis interakcionizmas laikomas tyrimo pagrindine teorine perspektyva, o Reubeno Hillo šeiminių pokyčių modelis tampa konceptualia ašimi. Straipsnyje aptariami metodologiniai sprendimai, kurių tikslas – atskleisti šeiminių pokyčių į-teorinimą, pasitelkiant simbolinio interakcionizmo koncepcijų, solidarumo teorinio konstrukto, socialinius tinklus ir šeimines praktikas analizuojančių koncepcijų idėjas. Pristatoma darbinė šeimos samprata ir šeimos tyrimo analitinis modelis bei numatomos šeimos ir valstybės sąryšio tyrimo gairės.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: šeima, migracija, solidarumas, socialiniai tinklai, įveika.Key words: family, migration, solidarity, social networks, coping.ABSTRACT
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH DESIGN OF FAMILIES UNDER MIGRATIONThe aim of the article is introduce the research design of families affected by migration. The author argues that multidimensional family study from the perspective of family and kin resources, memory discourses, family doing and displaying practices, as well as coping with hardships requires mixed methods research. Research paradigm and theoretical model are discussed, methodological decisions are introduced, it is explained that triangulation is treated as one of the leading methodological decisions of the research design. The author discloses the possibilities of pragmatic approach and discusses triangulation of theories, methods, as well as data. Symbolic interactionism constitutes the main theoretical perspective of the research study, while Reuben Hill’s family change model is treated as conceptual axis of research. The aim of methodological solutions discussed in the article is to theorize family change by means of ideas of symbolic interactionism, theoretical construct of solidarity, personal networks and conceptions of family practices. The working concept of family and analytical model of family research, as well as the guidelines of family-state relations are delineated.
Pastaba: straipsnis parengtas, 2012.07– 2014.12 vykdant LMT remiamą projektą „Emigracija ir šeima: iššūkiai, šeiminiai resursai, sunkumų įveikos būdai“ (EMFam) (sutarties Nr. VAT-39/2012/LSS-250000-643). Migracijos paliestų šeimų tyrimą atlieka VU Sociologijos katedros mokslininkai
Racionalumo problema sociologijoje (I)
Get PDFRationality seems to be the meeting point of sociology and philosophy. “Rationality” is a controversial concept. Historically, the problems of rationality, normativity, social action, and meaning-adequacy in sociology have its closest relationships with epistemology. The aim of this essay is to articulate and explicate the parallel “problems of rationality” in sociology and philosophy. This is done in two parts. The first looks at sociologists’ attempts to articulate conceptually the relation between rationality and normativity. The problem of the relationship of rationality and normativity in sociology appears early in a classical and modern sociology but appears consequently in many more hidden ways in connection with epistemological naturalism. The article argues that the radical critique of epistemology and philosophy in contemporary neopraxiological empiricism is misdirected due to a misconception about the relationship between rationality and a priori.Santrauka. Šio straipsnio tikslas – konceptualiai nuskaidrinti racionalumo problemą sociologijoje, papildomai svarstant sociologijos ir filosofijos sąveikos aptariamoje srityje klausimus. Teigiama, kad racionalumo problema sociologijoje neatskiriama nuo racionalumo problemos filosofijoje, todėl specifines abiejų dalykų problemas reikia analizuoti ne atskirai, o kartu. Abiejų dalykų istorijose – trumpesnėje sociologijos ir ilgesnėje filosofijos – randame analogijų ir paralelizmų. Paralelizmai rekomenduoja skverbtis į bendrosios kilmės problemų genealogiją neapsiribojant paskirų dalykų vidinės sandaros analitika. Čia pateikiamoje pirmoje straipsnio dalyje konkrečiai nagrinėjama racionalumo ir normatyvumo tarpusavio santykio problema ir šio probleminio santykio nepaisymo socialinių mokslų metodologijose implikacijos – neopraksiologinės epistemologinio natūralizmo ir reliatyvizmo tendencijos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: racionalumas, prasmės adekvatumo kriterijai, a priori problema, normatyvumas, natūralizmas, reliatyvizmas.Key words: rationality, the criteria of meaning adequacy, the problem of the a priori, normativity, naturalism, relativism.Abstract
The problem of Rationality in SociologyRationality seems to be the meeting point of sociology and philosophy. “Rationality” is a controversial concept. Historically, the problems of rationality, normativity, social action, and meaning-adequacy in sociology have its closest relationships with epistemology. The aim of this essay is to articulate and explicate the parallel “problems of rationality” in sociology and philosophy. This is done in two parts. The first looks at sociologists’ attempts to articulate conceptually the relation between rationality and normativity. The problem of the relationship of rationality and normativity in sociology appears early in a classical and modern sociology but appears consequently in many more hidden ways in connection with epistemological naturalism. The article argues that the radical critique of epistemology and philosophy in contemporary neopraxiological empiricism is misdirected due to a misconception about the relationship between rationality and a priori
Būsto politika skirtinguose gerovės modeliuose
Get PDFThis article seeks to explore housing policy in different welfare state regimes. It incorporates into the analysis of housing policy and welfare state regimes some new EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe. Six countries are chosen, which represent most the ideal typical models of the welfare state, for deeper analysis: Sweden - social-democratic, Germany - conservative-corporatist, the United Kingdom - liberal, Spain – Southern European, the Czech Republic and Estonia - post-communist. The findings of this paper show that, despite similar trends towards the liberalization in the housing policy field, the countries analysed in this study still hold their own specific features, which coincide with the main features of the conceptual models of the housing policy and welfare state regimes. The post-communist housing policy model holds the following characteristics: the private ownership dominates the housing tenure; the market regulates the housing sector, state’s regulation is negligible; construction is carried by the large private companies; outdated and worn-out housing estates, built during the period of socialism, require complete renovation or demolition.Santrauka. Straipsnis siekia ištirti būsto politiką skirtinguose gerovės valstybės modeliuose, įtraukiant į būsto modelių klasifikaciją ir naująsias Europos Sąjungos šalis iš Vidurio ir Rytų Europos. Gilesnei ana­lizei pasirenkamos šešios šalys, geriausiai atstovaujančios idealius gerovės valstybės modelius: Švedija – so­cialdemokratinį, Vokietija – konservatyvųjį-korporatyvinį, Jungtinė Karalystė – liberalųjį, Ispanija – Pi­etų Europos, Čekija ir Estija – pokomunistinį. Analizė atskleidė, kad nepaisant panašių tendencijų būsto liberalizavimo link, šalys iki šiol išlaiko tik joms būdingus bruožus, o konceptualūs būsto politikos modeliai, atitinkantys gerovės valstybės modelius, iki šiol atspindi realias juos atstovaujančių šalių būsto politikos sistemas.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: būsto politika, gerovės valstybė, būsto politikos modeliai, dekomodifikacija, Vi­durio ir Rytų Europa
Key words: housing policy, welfare state, housing policy models, de-commodification, Central and Eastern Europe.
ABSTRACT
HOUSING POLICY IN DIFFERENCE WELFARE STATE REGIMES
This article seeks to explore housing policy in different welfare state regimes. It incorporates into the analysis of housing policy and welfare state regimes some new EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe. Six countries are chosen, which represent most the ideal typical models of the welfare state, for deeper analysis: Sweden - social-democratic, Germany - conservative-corporatist, the United Kingdom - liberal, Spain – Southern European, the Czech Republic and Estonia - post-communist. The findings of this paper show that, despite similar trends towards the liberalization in the housing policy field, the countries analysed in this study still hold their own specific features, which coincide with the main features of the conceptual models of the housing policy and welfare state regimes. The post-communist housing policy model holds the following characteristics: the private ownership dominates the housing tenure; the market regulates the housing sector, state’s regulation is negligible; construction is carried by the large private companies; outdated and worn-out housing estates, built during the period of socialism, require complete renovation or demolition.
Pastaba. Straipsnis parengtas pagal Lietuvos mokslo tarybos finansuojamą projektą Būsto politika Li­etuvoje: raida, problemos ir pilietinės iniciatyvos. Projekto numeris LMT SIN-18/2012
Vartotojų visuomenės užuomazgos Lietuvoje (XIX a. antra pusė–XX a. pradžia)
Get PDFPrior to the spread of mass production goods, luxury products (which signified a high social status) were mostly made out of expensive materials and their costs were determined by the physical properties they had. Such goods were expensive in the truest sense of the word and they did not have any less expensive analogues, made out of cheaper materials. Everyday things of the upper class were usually out of reach for the lower social strata. That is why until the spread of goods of mass production, the difference between the goods used by the upper class and those used by the lower social strata emphasized various social group distinctions, and social status was recognized by socially corresponding products.Moreover, before the spread of goods of mass production, the lower social strata did not have an opportunity to take fashion tendencies into account and change their clothes, furniture and other household goods. They would use the things until they were completely worn out. Changing things according to the “fashion” as well as demonstrating a possibility of spending funds on luxury products was a common practice amongst the cultural elites.Slowly the attitude of the lower social strata towards consumption started to change, and a demand for manufactured, store-bought items began to rise. The purchasing and consumption habits of the less fortunate in the society began to be influenced not only by the functions or physical properties of the products, but also by the supposed social importance of the usage of them. Such products (in most cases this did not depend on its quality) were increasing the social rank of an individual in the society as well as emphasizing their lifestyle and wealth. Quite often the unique characteristics of a product and conveniences it provided in housekeeping, were less important than the cultural importance it provided to the owner.The ability to buy some housekeeping-related products provided greater comfort as well as new and good quality items, changed the consumption habits reaching a higher level. Expenditure on goods amongst the lower social strata acquired a representative social value and became means for demonstrating the financial standing and standard of living.Santrauka. Šio straipsnio tikslas – nustatyti, kaip skirtingi Vilniaus, Kauno ir Gardino guberni­jų visuomenės sluoksniai įsitraukė į masinį vartojimą XIX a. antrojoje pusėje–XX a. pradžioje. Šiame straipsnyje vadovaujamasi T. Vebleno parodomojo vartojimo samprata, pagal kurią prekėms suteikiama ne tik ekonominė, bet ir sociokultūrinė vertė. Straipsnyje analizuojami pasiturinčių (paprastai aukštesnių) visuomenės sluoksnių vartojimo įpročiai, kaip keitėsi žemesnių (paprastai mažiau pasiturinčių) visuome­nės sluoksnių požiūris į vartojimą, kai atsirado fabrikinės gamybos, pirktinio daikto poreikis. Kreipiamas dėmesys į įsigyto daikto savininkui suteikiamą kultūrinę reikšmę, ar kokybiškai nauji daiktai leido keisti vartojimo įpročius ir pakilti į kokybiškai kitą vartojimo lygį.
Pagrindiniai žodžiai: masinė gamyba, vartojimas, parodomasis vartojimas, vartotojiškoji visuomenė.
Key words: mass-production, consumption, conspicuous consumption, consumption society.
ABSTRACT
ORIGIN OF CONSUMPTION SOCIETY IN THE LITHUANIA (SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY–EARLY 20TH CENTURY)
Prior to the spread of mass production goods, luxury products (which signified a high social status) were mostly made out of expensive materials and their costs were determined by the physical properties they had. Such goods were expensive in the truest sense of the word and they did not have any less expensive analogues, made out of cheaper materials. Everyday things of the upper class were usually out of reach for the lower social strata. That is why until the spread of goods of mass production, the difference between the goods used by the upper class and those used by the lower social strata emphasized various social group distinctions, and social status was recognized by socially corresponding products.Moreover, before the spread of goods of mass production, the lower social strata did not have an opportunity to take fashion tendencies into account and change their clothes, furniture and other household goods. They would use the things until they were completely worn out. Changing things according to the “fashion” as well as demonstrating a possibility of spending funds on luxury products was a common practice amongst the cultural elites.Slowly the attitude of the lower social strata towards consumption started to change, and a demand for manufactured, store-bought items began to rise. The purchasing and consumption habits of the less fortunate in the society began to be influenced not only by the functions or physical properties of the products, but also by the supposed social importance of the usage of them. Such products (in most cases this did not depend on its quality) were increasing the social rank of an individual in the society as well as emphasizing their lifestyle and wealth. Quite often the unique characteristics of a product and conveniences it provided in housekeeping, were less important than the cultural importance it provided to the owner.The ability to buy some housekeeping-related products provided greater comfort as well as new and good quality items, changed the consumption habits reaching a higher level. Expenditure on goods amongst the lower social strata acquired a representative social value and became means for demonstrating the financial standing and standard of living.
Pastaba: straipsnis parengtas vykdant Lietuvos mokslo tarybos pagal Europos Sąjungos struktūrinių fondų remiamą projektą „Podoktorantūros (pos doc) stažuočių įgyvendinimas „Lietuvoje“