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Lietuvos sankcijų politika kaip geopolitinės daugialypės krizės valdymo priemonė: mažinant atotrūkį tarp maksimalistinių tikslų ir ribotų gebėjimų
Full text linkThe article assesses how the Lithuanian authorities used sanctions as a response to the polycrisis engendered by the aggressive behaviour of Russia and its allies in 2020–2025. It investigates what ideas informed Lithuania’s sanctions policy, how it was designed and implemented, and how the consequences of sanctions were managed as the polycrisis evolved. Sanctions as a crisis management tool are treated as part of the escalation/de-escalation of relations between conflicting parties, which can itself lead to the use of other instruments of weaponising interdependencies, or might trigger domestic political crises. It is argued that the perception of threats originating from the aggressive behaviour of Russia through the weaponisation of different channels of interdependencies with EU countries led Lithuanian decision-makers to prioritise the proactive use of sanctions as one of the main instruments of response to the geopolitical crisis, by both trying to upload them to the EU’s agenda and adopting nationally. It has led to strengthening the institutional capacities of sanctions policy-making and learning during the policy implementation process. However, it has also exposed the divergent positions of the hard stance of Lithuania and its more cautious Western partners, as well as the susceptibility of crisis management to domestic politics.Straipsnyje vertinama, kaip Lietuvos institucijos naudojo sankcijas reaguodamos į Rusijos ir jos sąjungininkių sukeltą daugialypę krizę 2020–2025 metais. Jame tiriama, kokios idėjos lėmė Lietuvos sankcijų politiką, kaip jos buvo rengiamos ir įgyvendinamos, kaip buvo valdomos sankcijų pasekmės vykstant krizės eskalacijai. Sankcijos, kaip krizių valdymo priemonė, traktuojamos kaip konfliktuojančių šalių santykių eskalavimo ir (arba) deeskalavimo dalis, o tai gali lemti kitų tarpusavio priklausomybės kanalų instrumentalizavimą arba sukelti vidaus politikos krizes. Teigiama, kad grėsmių suvokimas, kylantis iš agresyvaus Rusijos elgesio instrumentalizuojant skirtingus tarpusavio priklausomybės su ES šalimis kanalus, paskatino Lietuvos sprendimų priėmėjus prioritetą teikti aktyviam sankcijų, kaip vienos iš pagrindinių reagavimo į geopolitinę krizę priemonių, naudojimui tiek bandant jas perkelti į ES darbotvarkę, tiek taikyti nacionaliniu mastu. Tai padėjo sustiprinti institucinius sankcijų politikos formavimo gebėjimus ir mokytis iš patirties sankcijų įgyvendinimo metu. Tačiau tai taip pat atskleidė skirtumus tarp griežtos Lietuvos sankcijų politikos ir atsargesnių Vakarų partnerių pozicijų bei krizių valdymo poveikį vidaus politikai
Čiubrinskas, Vytis, Ingrida Gečienė-Janulionė, Caroline Hornstein Tomić, and Violetta Parutis, eds. Returning – Remitting – Receiving: Social Remittances of Transnational (Re)Migrants to Croatia, Lithuania, and Poland. Münster: LIT Verlag, 2023
Full text linkLietuvos gyventojų nuostatos dėl Europos Sąjungos: tarp entuziazmo ir skepticizmo
Full text linkThis article examines how Lithuanian citizens perceive and evaluate the European Union and Lithuania’s membership in it. While quantitative data from public opinion surveys are overwhelmingly positive, and Eurosceptic political actors are marginal, analysis of qualitative data collected through in-depth and semi-structured interviews reveals a more nuanced picture. Attitudes of a large proportion of informants are multidimensional and ambivalent. The thematic and rhetorical analysis of the interviews with the 80 research participants demonstrates key meanings associated with European integration. Most salient of them are rooted in the existential needs of well-being and security. Criticism towards the EU is based on abstract and concrete political grievances, rejection of the idea of limited sovereignty, feelings of inferiority, and anxiety about value change. The paper also argues that, despite their criticism, informants should not be labelled as Eurosceptics. In the Lithuanian case much more productive strategy is to identify various subcategories of support, ranging from unconditional enthusiasm to cautious ambivalence.Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip Lietuvos piliečiai supranta ir vertina Europos Sąjungą ir Lietuvos narystę joje. Nors kiekybiniai gyventojų apklausų duomenys itin pozityvūs, o euroskeptiški politiniai veikėjai – marginalūs, giluminių ir pusiau struktūruotų interviu metu surinktų kokybinių duomenų analizė atskleidžia labiau niuansuotą vaizdą. Vyraujančios informantų nuostatos – daugiadimensės ir ambivalentiškos. Atlikus teminę ir retorinę interviu su 80 tyrimo dalyvių analizę, išskiriamos esminės su Europos integracija siejamos reikšmės. Ryškiausios jų kyla iš egzistencinių žmogiškųjų poreikių – gerovės ir saugumo. Kritiškumas Europos Sąjungos atžvilgiu grindžiamas tiek abstrakčiomis, tiek konkrečiomis politinėmis nuoskaudomis, apriboto suvereniteto idėjos nepriėmimu, nelygiavertiškumo jausmu, nerimu dėl vertybinių pokyčių. Straipsnyje taip pat teigiama, kad vien dėl kritiškumo informantai neturėtų būti priskiriami euroskeptikų stovyklai, siūlomos ES palaikymo subkategorijos nuo besąlygiško entuziazmo iki atsargaus ambivalentiškum
Marksistų požiūris į gamtą: vilkų atvejis Sovietų Sąjungoje
Full text linkThis article analyzes the orthodox Marxist theory of nature as a philosophy of nature, based primarily on the later works of Karl Marx and the works of Friedrich Engels, as well as its role as a Soviet State ideology of mastering nature. We argue that Soviet Marxists viewed nature as a product of human labor. Labor, in turn, was considered a continuation of the natural order and the fulfillment of nature’s full potential. At the same time, labor led to a “struggle with nature”. This motif of battle against nature appears almost universally throughout Soviet ideological texts. To analyze how the ideological interpretation of nature by Soviet Marxists was implemented in practice, we examine the wolf extermination campaigns carried out in the Soviet Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Yakutia and the Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania and consider them as part of the Soviet Marxists’ ideological approach to the transformation, control, and subjugation of nature.Šiame straipsnyje analizuojama ortodoksinė marksistinė gamtos filosofija ir sovietų valstybės gamtos valdymo ideologija (tai daugiausia susiję su vėlesniais Karlo Markso darbais ir Frydricho Engelso kūriniais). Ši ideologija pasireiškė didelio masto projektais, tokiais kaip Stalino gamtos pertvarkymo planas. Straipsnyje parodoma, kad sovietų marksistai gamtą laikė sovietinio žmogaus „darbo“ produktu. Pats darbas buvo traktuojamas kaip natūralios tvarkos tęsinys ir gamtos potencialo realizavimas. Tačiau tuo pačiu metu darbas veda į „kovą su gamta“, o ši kova su gamta atsiranda beveik visoje sovietinėje gamtos ideologijoje. Sovietų Sąjungos visuomenėje politika ir net gamtos mokslai buvo organizuojami pagal valstybės ideologinę gamtos interpretaciją. Analizuodami, kaip sovietų marksistų ideologinė gamtos filosofija buvo įgyvendinta praktiškai, palyginame Jakutijos ir Lietuvos sovietinėse respublikose vykdytas vilkų naikinimo kampanijas. Šiuos pavyzdžius pateikiame kaip sovietų marksistų ideologinio požiūrio į kovą su gamta, jos transformaciją ir kontrolę išraišką
Konstitucija: tarp politikos ir teisės
No full textIn Soviet legal tradition terms "basic law" and "constitution" were treated as synonyms. From the first sight there was no mistake and international constitutional practice has enough examples of this sort: Article Six of the Constitution of the USA describes the constitution as "the supreme law of the land," content of Articles Six and Seven of the Lithuanian Constitution have analogous meaning, etc. However, in Soviet context the identification of constitution and law had another connotation and rather pointed on wishes of communist leaders to administrate society than to respect autonomy of law and basic human rights. Unfortunately, in present Lithuanian legal and political discourses one still can face this uncritical identification of constitution with basic law. In such circumstances, the discussions about political and legal interpretations of constitution are not only of theoretical, but also of practical importance.Political and legal aspects of constitution could be clearly demonstrated in the light of ideas presented by Aristotle in his famous Politics. For him, constitution is the set of principles of political organization of society. Due to this fact, constitution differs from law and everyday political decisions that have to fit the existing political order. In their turn, laws differ from political decisions as more stable and less dependent on political conjuncture matter. Although Aristotle\u27s political and legal ideas do not meet modern requirements for democratic constitution, one can learn some useful lessons from his teaching. The most important and actual of them is that short-term political interests do not have to influence legislative procedure and destabilize constitutional order. The remedy for frequent constitutional changes one has to seek in proper education of political elite that should consist not of nice and good people, but of perfect citizens, who would be able to govern and at the same time obey orders.Contemporary Lithuanian Constitution is a product of recent radical political changes that on the one hand, restore historical justice, and on the other hand, establish just political organization of modern society—a democratic republic. Unfortunately, due to the lack of democratic tradition, Lithuania\u27s orientation to the western-type political order was not based on solid "democratic instinct" (V. Kavolis) of society; rather it was a decision "in advance" without clear understanding of structure and institutional principles of free and open society. In this context, countless attempts of Lithuanian politicians to change the constitution or to make amendments in constitutional articles could be evaluated as neglecting the political significance of the constitution, as well as deeds destabilizing the new democratic order. Instead of political attack on constitutional text, one has to strengthen judicial interpretative procedure that could make the existing written constitution clearer and more fitted to present and future needs of Lithuanian society.Ar konstitucija yra tik teisinis dokumentas, ar jos sutapatinimas su "pagrindiniu įstatymu" nėra sovietinio teisinio nihilizmo recidyvas, ar nesibaigiantys norai taisyti ir lopyti konstituciją nekelia pavojų jaunai demokratinei valstybei? Į šiuos ir kitus klausimus bandoma atsakyti, remiantis Aristotelio heuristiniu principu, nustatančiu takoskyrą tarp konstitucijos, įstatymų ir politinių sprendimų. Taip pat akcentuojama politinė konstitucijos ir galiojančių įstatymų suderinamumo svarba, teisminio Konstitucijos interpretavimo galimybės, politinio elito pilietinės atsakomybės problema
Kalba ir etniškumas Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje: kai kurie teoriniai aspektai
Full text linkThis article presents a favourable theoretical analysis of the political problem of high profile which acutely touches Central and Eastern Europe – the ethnic problem. The outstanding role in delimiting ethnic dependence and conditioning ethnic cleavage turns to be devoted to language. The author gives a very persuasive introduction to this problem as well as promotes an exclusive comparison where the Western (arguably – civilly developed cultures) and Central-Eastern European nations, as well as history-influenced modifications to the character of the issue, are paralleled. We are not presented with a narrow and simplistic narration but are rather compelled to thoroughly perceive the multilateral complexity of this problem. Hence the author tries to trace the solutions that entail inter-ethnic tensions, although he primarily identifies the \u27true\u27 causes for such tensions. Schopflin finds it necessary to define what exactly ethnicity is and the reasons why language is enacted to such a salient role in ethnic self-consciousness.
He excludes the restrictive assumption that ethnicity has been made political by "artificial" means only, providing evidence of why this approach proves to be not exhaustive. A sharper insight into this problem is introduced. The essential point is that ethnicity operates simultaneously on several planes, only one of which belongs to the political one. The author argues that while in pre-modern societies there was no occurrence of the political system to impinge too directly on cultures, with the coming of modernity, it began to do so. The article foregoes with the clarification that ethnicity is about cultural reproduction, where culture is defined as a system of moral regulation in its deepest sense. Cultural variations which locate distinctions and peculiarities in the questions of political power come to constitute the raw material for ethnic cleavage, because each community is axiomatically convinced of the rightness of its morality and its superiority to all others.
The author continues in the depiction of the characteristics which specify the Western cultures and the Eastern nationalisms in which the former proves to be the type of democratic nationalism, the one to nurture loyalties, whenever the latter managed to rear up an all-directing monopolical political elite (the author names them \u27secular intellectuals\u27) who challenged every aspect of the established status quo and saw this as their raison d\u27être. Their vocation was not confined to some relatively confined arena (as in the West) but devoted themselves to nation-wide aspects, as the language might prove. In the face of the deprivation of the Western civic homogenisation, language in Central and Eastern Europe attained a much more effective basis for power than contiguity. Language in the latter became an instrument of popular mobilisation. Intellectuals used and controlled language; it became both instrument and aim; intellectuals consequently acquired paths to moral legislation.
The author notices that any efforts to construct political nations on some other principles, namely geographical, in Central and Eastern Europe failed because of the lack of dynamism that derives from an authentically felt sense of community. Whenever the civic dimension of the nationhood devolves its primacy in the West, language demonstrates its primacy in the East. Expressive words of a Hungarian writer Gyula Illyes are put forward: if, he states, there is a language, then its speakers constitute a community; if a community has its own language, it has the right to constitute its own state and become a subject of history.
The author concludes that language has played both a symbolic and a functional role in the centralisation of Central and Eastern Europe. It is claimed that though there can be no contingency in the nature of language, no language, with the exception of Polish, has had a continuous high cultural tradition. It is, however, posed that high cultural languages are vital both instrumentally and as legitimation. Nevertheless, motion to modernity distracts Central and Eastern European countries from the wide tolerance to multilingualism, which is understood as weakness that potentially threatens the future of the community. Hence, intolerance and oppression prevailing in the countries is the proof that the modern state has proved to be unable to assimilate ethnic minorities, once they have become conscious of their identity. Only the situation of one having its own language is taken as acceptable. Numerous examples are given to support these arguments.
It is concluded that despite the feeling of something being missed, the provided factors constitute an explanatory framework for why it is so extraordinarily difficult to establish linguistic co-existence at the high cultural level in Central and Eastern Europe and why seemingly simple problems acquire an apparently applicable and deep-rooted insolubility.Etniniai konfliktai, teigia straipsnio autorius, atsiranda, bendruomenėms siekiant patvirtinti savo „moraliną vertę" savo bei kitų akyse. Kiekviena bendruomenė turi daug simbolių, nurodančių jos skirtumus nuo kitų bendruomenių, ir vienas svarbiausiųjų yra kalba. Straipsnio autoriaus tvirtinimu, Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje kalbos kaip etninio simbolio vaidmuo buvo ypač ryškus. George\u27as Schiipflinas teigia, kad Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje, kitaip negu Vakaruose, kalba, o ne teritorija buvo veiksmingiausias politikos šaltinis. Kartu kalba tapo ne tik instrumentu, bet ir tikslu - moralinės teisės egzistuoti simboliu
Lietuvos ir Europos Sąjungos asociacija
Full text linkIt is argued in this article that the signature of the Europe (Association) Agreement between Lithuania and the EU has formally articulated partial change in Lithuania\u27s and its northern neighbours\u27 geopolitical status. The author claims that the state of association with the EU and forthcoming membership in this economic organisation is one of the core strategic destinations of Lithuania\u27s foreign policy, which, as the author emphasises, are vitalised by Lithuania\u27s national interests.
In the first part of this article, the author tries to trace and elucidate the main currents of this process of integration as well as factors affecting it and to evaluate the upbrought with respect to national interests of Lithuania. In this primary part of the work, a review on Lithuania-EU relations is propounded, three chronological stages of the development are researched, main complexities and issues are exposed. The author emphasises that there are two types of rapprochement provided by the EU member states in framing their ties with the former USSR satellites: one, devoted to Central European Countries, and the other - to former USSR. It is challenged that Lithuania stands somewhere in its mid-position and proposes four factors why Lithuania is expected to gradually gravitate towards the first-type relations, which stipulate the transformation of the status of the Baltic States.
In the second part, the content and character of the Europe Agreement are analysed and evaluated on the basis of the same Lithuania\u27s national interests. The third part is devoted to the major problem encountered during the process of negotiations on the Europe Agreement, namely the acquisition of land by foreigners. This question has particular significance since it was the very first time when Lithuania\u27s politicians and population in general confronted reality associated with the EU. The author clarifies different aspects of the free trade agreement, asserting the many-facedness of European politics.
Hence, in the last part of the article, the author tries to evaluate the perspectives of Lithuania-EU relations. Important external factors of NATO expansion and arising conflictuality of NATO-Russia policy towards the Baltic region are researched as having an indispensable and inevitable role in the shaping of the terms of gradual integration to the EU as well as the whole nature of rapprochement itself. The author sanctions an important role to the United States. This study also propounds the internal factor, i.e., the readiness of Lithuania itself for the entry into the European Union. Maniokas manages to illustrate his arguments with highly accurate facts from the events in the global political arena.Straipsnyje tvirtinama, kad Lietuvos ir Europos Sąjungos (ES) Asociacijos sutarties pasirašymas tapo vienu Lietuvos ir jos šiaurinių kaimynių politinės padėties kaitos veiksnių. Asociacija ir siekiama narystė Europos Sąjungoje, autoriaus teigimu, yra vienas pagrindinių Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų. Pirmojoje straipsnio dalyje autorius išskiria pagrindinius šio integracijos proceso etapus bei su juo susijusias problemas. Viena svarbiausių integracijos problemų - diskusija dėl žemės pardavimo užsieniečiams - straipsnyje išnagrinėta detaliau. Trečiojoje dalyje Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų požiūriu analizuojamas Europos sutarties turinys . Straipsnis baigiamas Lietuvos ir ES santykių perspektyvų aptarimu
Alexis\u27o de Tocqueville\u27o knygos vertimas
No full textTocqueville A. de. Apie demokratiją Amerikoje. - Vilnius: Amžius. - 1996. - 793 p. - Iš prancūzų kalbos vertė Valdas Petrauskas
Kas yra ideologija?
Full text linkResearchers of ideologies face unsolvable difficulties in their attempts to define the term. Ideology is a form of statement „x is ideology“ when in place of variable any object can be inserted. The very term ideology is doubtful when it is used to designate the science of ideas. According to Immanuel Kant, science of ideas is impossible because there is no idea of idea. The pretense to explain ideas by reference to other ideas is contrary to their very nature. The definition of ideologies is made even harder by the fact that ideas of reason do not have any adequate referent. This circumstance is what does not allow to transform ideas into objects of empirical knowledge. Ideologies correspond to what Kant in The Critique of Judgment calls aesthetic ideas. These ideas are based on an indirect assignment of symbolic images to principles of reason. Ideologies give sensory images to what can only be grasped by reason. This action, which is of aesthetic character, can turn anything into an object of ideological thinking.Tyrinėjantieji ideologijas susiduria su neįveikiamomis jų apibrėžimo problemomis. Ideologija yra teiginio forma „x yra ideologija“, kai į kintamąjį galima įrašyti bet kurį objektą. Abejonių kelia pats idėjų mokslą apibūdinti turintis ideologijos terminas. Neįmanomas idėjų mokslas, nes, pasak Immanuelio Kanto, negali būti idėjos idėjos. Pretenzija vienas idėjas aiškinti kitomis idėjomis prieštarauja jų prigimčiai. Dar labiau ideologijų apibūdinimą apsunkina proto idėjoms būdingas adekvataus referento nebuvimas. Ši aplinkybė neleidžia idėjų paversti empirinio pažinimo objektais. Ideologijos atitinka tai, ką Kantas Sprendimo galios kritikoje vadina estetinėmis idėjomis. Jos grindžiamos netiesioginių simbolinių atvaizdų priskyrimu proto principams. Tam, kas gali būti mąstoma vien tik protu, ideologijos suteikia juslinius vaizdinius. Šis estetinio pobūdžio veiksmas bet kurį dalyką gali paversti ideologinio mąstymo objektu