Universidade Estadual da Paraíba (UEPB): Sistema Eletrônico de Editoração de Revistas
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COVID-19: Factors Associated with Dental Students\u27 Fear of Infecting their Relatives as a Result of Clinical Practice
Objective: To evaluate the factors associated with the fear of dental students infecting their relatives with COVID-19 as a result of clinical practice. Material and Methods: Online questionnaires were sent by e-mail and social media to dental students from a Brazilian School of Dentistry. The outcome was "fear of infecting the family." The independent variables were sociodemographic data, personal protective equipment use, adoption of infection control measures, and knowledge and feelings about the pandemic and the future of Dentistry. Data analysis used Pearson\u27s Chi-square and Fisher\u27s exact tests (p≤0.05). Results: With 65 participants, the prevalence of fear was 61.5%. Measures to prevent COVID-19, such as frequent hand cleansing (p=0.028) and avoiding the use of aerosol-generating instruments (p=0.027), not having or not knowing if they have been infected by the disease (p=0.038), and feelings of more significant anxiety during the pandemic period (p=0.047), and that Dentistry will undergo major post-pandemic changes (p=0.020) were associated with fear. Conclusion: Changes in behavior about biosafety and feelings of anxiety and uncertainty about the disease were associated with the dental students\u27 fear of infecting their relatives with COVID-19 as a result of clinical practice
Effect of Tobacco on Unstimulated Salivary pH and Flow Rate
Objective: To assess the effect of smoking (tobacco) and chewing (betel quid) on the alteration of salivary pH and flow rate. Material and Methods: The sample consisted of 45 participants divided into three groups: G1: Chewers (n=15); G2: Smokers (n=15), and G3 (Control): Healthy individuals (n=15). Unstimulated saliva was collected by the passive drooling method. Salivary pH was measured using a pH meter, and flow rate using a micropipette. One-way ANOVA compared groups; a p-value less than 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results: Statistical significance was observed in the mean salivary flow rate between Chewers (8.0403) vs. Controls (11.5) (p<0.001) as well as Smokers (7.9333) vs. Controls (11.5) (p<0.001). Statistical significance was observed in the mean salivary pH between Chewers (6.6133) vs. Smokers (6.4067) (p=0.007), Chewers (6.6133) vs. Controls (7.31) (p<0.001) as well as Smokers (6.4067) vs. Controls (7.31) (p<0.001). Conclusion: Salivary pH was more acidic in individuals with smoking than those with chewing habits. Flow rate was less in individuals using tobacco (smoking and smokeless) compared to controls. Long-term consumption of tobacco is one of the risk factors for alterations in salivary pH and flow rate
Dental Caries Risk and Quality of Life of Middle Age and Older Adults during COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia
Objective: To evaluate the correlation between caries risk and OHRQoL in middle age and the older population during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. Material and Methods: The subjects ranged in age from >45. The participants were asked to complete the Caries Management by Risk Assessment (CAMBRA) and the Oral Health Impact Profile-14 (OHIP-14) questionnaires. The data were analyzed using Mann-Whitey Test, Kruskal-Wallis Test, and Spearman Test with a significance level of p<0.05. Results: Two hundred sixteen people participated in this study. The average CAMBRA score for middle-aged and older people was 5.31 ± 1.111 and 5.27 ± 1.094, respectively. The mean scores for the OHIP-14 were 34.90 ± 6.164 for older adults and 35.79 ± 5.908 for middle-aged people. The correlation between caries risk and OHRQoL showed r=-0.400; p=0.00 for the middle age group and r=-0.143; p=0.170 for the older adults. Conclusion: During the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia, there was no association between caries risk and OHRQoL in the older adult population and a low correlation between caries risk and OHRQoL in the middle-aged group
An In-Vitro Analysis of the Mechanical and Anti-Bacterial Properties of Betel Leaf Extract with Chitosan Coating on Orthodontic Aligners
Objective: To aim at the preparation and characterization of a chitosan and betel leaf extract biopolymer followed by an assessment of mechanical and antibacterial properties. Material and Methods: A chitosan-betel leaf stock solution was prepared and dip-coated on thermoformed aligner cubes. The groups (five samples per group) involved were one control (only chitosan coating) and three test groups based on the duration of coating (coating with chitosan and betel extract coated for 5, 10, and 15 minutes, named B5, B10, and B15 respectively). The coating of the samples was confirmed by an FTIR test and anti-microbial properties were assessed by the disc diffusion method. Wear resistance assessment of the coating was carried out by scratch test. Results: Coating of the aligners with the extract was confirmed with FTIR. The zone of inhibition against S. mutans was noted to be the widest for aligners coated for 15 minutes (7± 0.5mm), and the intergroup difference was statistically significant (p<0.05). The samples dip-coated for 15 minutes demonstrated the highest wear resistance (3.2 ±0.17 N) with statistically significant intergroup differences (p<0.05). Conclusion: Betel leaf extract prepared and incorporated with chitosan biopolymer was successfully coated on thermoformed aligners. A higher antibacterial activity and scratch resistance were evident with aligners dip-coated for 15 minutes, owing to the antibacterial activity of Piper betel
A POLÍTICA EXTERNA DA SANTA SÉ NA TRANSIÇÃO POLÍTICA POLONESA: O PAPEL DO PAPA JOÃO PAULO II (1978-1989)
This paper uses the method of process tracing in order to follow how the change in the Vaticanleadership on the year of 1978 contributed to the shift in its foreign policy towards an anti-communism policy that helped on the fall of the Polish communist regime. In the late 1970s, the Vatican influenced the political change on some Communist countries. The final years of the Cold War introduced a range of new actors that contributed to the American preponderance in the international system after the demise of the USSR. Among them, we can highlight the rebirth of the oldest diplomacy in the world, which was able to be among the high players in the system once again: the Holy See. Also, the cooperation between the American president Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II is a controversial point that must be investigated. It is possible to assert, however, that Karol Wojtyła played an essential role during the Polish political transition and that it was possible because of the partnership that His Holiness developed with Ronald Reagan and also with internal opposition personified in the union Solidarity.Este trabalho usa o método de process tracing a fim de seguir a forma como a alteração naliderança do Vaticano no ano de 1978 contribuiu para a mudança em sua política externa para uma política anticomunista que ajudou na queda do regime comunista polonês. No final dos anos 1970, o Vaticano influenciou a mudança política em alguns países comunistas. Os últimos anos da Guerra Fria introduziram uma gama de novos atores que contribuíram para a preponderância americana no sistema internacional após o desaparecimento da URSS. Entre eles, podemos destacar o renascimento da diplomacia mais antiga do mundo, que foi capaz de estar entre os high players no sistema uma vez mais: a Santa Sé. Além disso, a cooperação entre o presidente norte-americano Ronald Reagan e o Papa João Paulo II é um ponto polêmico que deve ser investigado. É possível afirmar, porém, que Karol Wojtyła desempenhou um papel fundamental durante a transição política polonesa e que isto apenas foi possível devido à parceria que Sua Santidade desenvolveu com Ronald Reagan, mas também com a oposição interna polonesa personificada no sindicatoSolidariedade
ATORES E PROCESSOS DA ECOLOGIA POLÍTICA INTERNACIONAL
The article proposes a methodological model for the analysis of international political ecology, structured in the idea that the politicization dimension of ecology is one of the most important processes of the globalization, in a dynamic and dialectical rhythm due to the democratization and diversification of the communication networks (cyber-activism). The empirical material of analysis encompasses the symbolic role of actors and processes of international political ecology through public demonstration strategies, especially civil disobedience of international environmental NGOs, scientists and activist groups that make up civil society global. The article underlines the role of international actors in political ecology intheir ongoing process of communicative action to influence the course of civilization.O artigo propõe um modelo metodológico de análise da ecologia política internacional a partir da reflexão de que a dimensão de politização da temática da ecologia constitui um dos maiores processos do fenômeno da globalização, num ritmo dinâmico e dialético em função da democratização e diversificação das redes de comunicação (ciberativismo). O material empírico de análise engloba o papel simbólico dos atores e dos processos da ecologia política internacional por meio de estratégias de demonstração pública (public demonstration), especialmente de desobediência civil de ONGs ambientalistas internacionais, cientistas e grupos de ativistas que compõem a sociedade civil global. O artigo sublinha o papel dos atores internacionais da ecologia política no seu contínuo processo de agir comunicativo de seus propósitos para influenciar o rumo da civilização
NO MORE RWANDAS: a importância do genocídio ruandês para o processo de institucionalização das intervenções humanitárias
This article has the intention to understand the role of the Rwandan genocide in the process of institutionalization of a humanitarian intervention norm in the UN. First, through references, it deals with the rise of the use of force for the protection of human rights in the post-Cold War, and later the particular case of Rwanda and its nuances. Then, through an empirical study of documents, we seek to demonstrate how the genocide was present in UN documents that dealt with the idea of relativizing the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention in the name of protecting human rights. Finally, as a result, it is possible to realize the significant moral effect that genocide in that African country has had on the normative emergency humanitarian interventions.Este artigo tem como intuito avaliar o papel do genocídio ruandês no processo de institucionalização de uma norma de intervenção humanitária no seio da ONU. Primeiramente, por meio de fontes secundárias, ele trata da ascensão do uso da força para a proteção dos direitos humanos no pós-Guerra Fria, dando ênfase ao caso particular de Ruanda e suas nuanças. Em seguida, por meio de um levantamento empírico de documentos, busca-se demonstrar como o genocídio esteve presente nos documentos onusianos que trataram da ideia de relativização dos princípios da soberania e não-intervenção em nome da proteção dos direitos humanos. Ao final, como resultado, é possível perceber o efeito moral que o genocídio naquele país africano vem tendo sobre a emergência normativa das intervenções humanitárias
A ATUAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NO CONSELHO DE SEGURANÇA DA ONU: POSICIONAMENTO FRENTE AO CASO DO GENOCÍDIO EM RUANDA (1994)
During 1994, the year in which genocide occurred in Rwanda, the main goal of Brazilian foreign policy was for the country to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. Therefore, Brazil’s temporary membership in this organ represented an opportunity to demonstrate its credentials for being so. This paper, thus, analyses the Brazilian position towards the Rwandan genocide through a study of its discourses during the meetings of the Council dealing with the matter, in order to reveal elements about the adequacy and the possibility of success of this policy. It concluded that Brazil did not show leadership nor proactivity when dealing with the case.Em 1994, ano em que acontecia um genocídio em Ruanda, o objetivo principal da política externa do Brasil era obter um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Assim, o mandato temporário deste país no órgão representava uma oportunidade de demonstrar suas credenciais para isto. Este trabalho, portanto, analisa a postura brasileira frente ao caso ruandês por meio dos discursos da delegação do Brasil nas reuniões do Conselho que trataram do tema, de modo a revelar elementos acerca da adequação e da possibilidade de êxito dessa política. Conclui-se que o Brasil não demonstrou liderança ou proatividade ao lidar com o caso
"AUTONOMIAS" NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA BRASILEIRA: EXERCÍCIOS DA TEORIA DA AUTONOMIA?
From the moment that the issue of autonomy emerged in the reflections of International Relations in the 1960s, it was linked to the foreign policy of several peripheral countries and has occupied a prominent place in Brazilian foreign policy (PEB). Since then, the issue of autonomy has prevailed in Brazilian foreign policy, first with the Independent Foreign Policy - PEI (1961) and then with Responsible Pragmatism (1974), up to the most contemporary definitions.with the term "autonomy" in the name. In this way, this work seeks to analyze the autonomies proposed by Brazilian foreign policy from the late 1980s to the 2000s – Autonomy through Distance, Participation/Integration and Diversification – in the light of Helio Jaguaribe and Juan Carlos Puig\u27s approach to Theory of Autonomy.A partir do momento que a questão da autonomia surgiu nas reflexões de Relações Internacionais na década de 1960, ela se vincula à política exterior de diversos países periféricos e vem ocupando um lugar de destaque na política externa brasileira (PEB). Desde então, a questão da autonomia prevalece na política externa brasileira, primeiro com a Política Externa Independente - PEI (1961) e, em seguida, com o Pragmatismo Responsável (1974), até as definições mais contemporâneascom o termo "autonomia" no nome. Desta maneira, este trabalho procura analisar as autonomias propostas pela política externa brasileira do final dos anos 1980 até os anos 2000 – Autonomia pela Distância, pela Participação/Integração e pela Diversificação – à luz da vertente de Helio Jaguaribe e de Juan Carlos Puig da Teoria da Autonomia
DESLOCADOS CLIMÁTICOS: QUEM SÃO E COMO FORAM ABORDADOS PELO ACORDO DE PARIS
Despite there are many of them, climate forced migrants were ignored by many international environmental treaties. They do not have a precise designation to give them specific status, they are denominated by different ways, and there are not international legal mechanisms for their protection. Regarding Brazil, it is obliged to protect them through administrative norms as a result of its domestic legislation. Is spite of the absence of the study of this issue nationally, there are initiatives, as SouthAmerican Network of Climate Migrants – RESAMA, that is dedicated to the research on environmental diasporas. The Paris Agreement, elaborated in a moment of migration crisis, had timidly mentioned these climate migrants. The aims of this article are to give details about who are these climate migrants, to verifythe treatment that the Brazilian Government gives to them, and to verify whether or not there was any progress concerning their protection in the Paris Agreement.Apesar de muito numerosos, os deslocados pelo clima eram ignorados pelos tratados ambientais internacionais. Não contando nem mesmo com expressão designativa apta a outorgar-lhes status específico, são denominados de múltiplas formas, inexistindo mecanismos jurídicos internacionais específicos para a suaproteção. O Brasil se viu obrigado a tutelá-los por meio de normas administrativas ante o vazio jurídico existente. Apesar da incipiência do estudo do tema em âmbito nacional, já se conta com iniciativa, como a Rede Sul-Americana de Migrantes Ambientais - RESAMA, que se dedica à pesquisa das diásporas ambientais. O Acordo de Paris, elaborado em momento de crises migratórias, fez menção a esses deslocamentos motivados pelo clima, porém de forma tímida. Detalhar quem são esses deslocados, verificar o tratamento a eles dispensado pelo governo brasileiro e se houve avanço na tutela dos mesmos no Acordo de Paris constituem os objetivos deste trabalho