1,721,058 research outputs found
Explaining youth radicalism as a positioning of the self at opposite extremes
Get PDFThe concept of ‘young radicals’ is gaining ground in a context of generalized discontent – often, this is due to the fact that young people engage increasingly in unconventional forms of political activism. Much less is known about young people holding radical political attitudes. This article advances our understanding of those young people who place themselves on the extremes of the ideological scale and investigates how those with radical right attitudes differ from those with radical left ones. Drawing on a survey that gathers data from nine European countries, with a sample of young people aged 18–35, we test those factors that have been used to explain why people use violent repertoires of action: social background, gender, political values, and prior experience in protest activism. The results relate ‘radicalness’ to experienced economic difficulties and the more contentious political activism. The difference between the young ‘radicals’ in right and left are, however, defined by gender and adherence to authoritarian values.The concept of ‘young radicals’ is gaining ground in a context of generalized discontent – often, this is due to the fact that young people engage increasingly in unconventional forms of political activism. Much less is known about young people holding radical political attitudes. This article advances our understanding of those young people who place themselves on the extremes of the ideological scale and investigates how those with radical right attitudes differ from those with radical left ones. Drawing on a survey that gathers data from nine European countries, with a sample of young people aged 18–35, we test those factors that have been used to explain why people use violent repertoires of action: social background, gender, political values, and prior experience in protest activism. The results relate ‘radicalness’ to experienced economic difficulties and the more contentious political activism. The difference between the young ‘radicals’ in right and left are, however, defined b..
The Outcomes of Social Movement
No full textOver the last decade there has been an increased focus on social movement outcomes. This increased attention has led to calls for the improvement of our theoretical and conceptual arguments, the more effective implementation of methodological tools, and more empirical examples based on broader comparisons of issues and contexts (Giugni 1998; Earl 2000; Burstein and Linton 2002; Meyer 2005; Giugni 2008). With this special issue of Mobilization, our aim is to take some steps toward meeting these calls. Each of the contributors in this issue adds an important aspect to the current literature and introduces themes that we hope will be developed further in future research. We have included articles emphasizing several issues, including incremental outcomes, novel empirical factors for studying the contextual dependence of the outcomes of mobilization, different methods for strengthening and testing the robustness of our theoretical arguments, and new ways of thinking about the role of public opinion. Our introduction develops a foundation for the contributions contained in this special issue by stressing the connection between the five articles and laying out a few important achievements and problems in studying the outcomes of social movements. Finally, we briefly sketch several directions for future research
Discarding protests? Relating crisis experience to approval of protests among activists and bystanders
No full textTo what extent does the economic crisis affect support for political protest? Since the outburst of the financial crisis in 2008 many protests have been mobilized against national governments and their austerity policies. In some countries, these actions were described in the media as having little support among the general public, while elsewhere these actions enjoyed significant public support. Surprisingly little scholarly work has examined this variation. We fill this research gap by investigating who approves of austerity protests, how bystandersâ attitudes differ from the activistsâ approval of protests and how repertoires relate to the approval of austerity protests. The analysis uses original survey data from nine European countries affected by the recent economic crisis at varying degrees and demonstrates that protest experience, both at the country and individual level, relates to approval of anti-austerity protests. The severity of economic crisis increases is positively related to protest approval in general terms, but there are differences depending on the type of grievances and which forms of austerity protests are considered
Collective Action Outcomes : Ways Forward for the Subfield
Get PDFGiven the growing interest in how collective action matters, this special issue seeks to push our understanding of collective action outcomes beyond the present state of knowledge and stimulate further developments. In doing this, it looks to improve and expand the theoretical and conceptual tools for studying the topic, suggest and explore methodological innovations to solve previous research problems and investigate new settings across various movements and countries
Outcomes of Social Movements and Protest Activities
No full textScholarship has left the study of the consequences of social movements in the
background for a long time, focusing instead on movement emergence, characteristics,
and dynamics. Since the mid-1970s, however, scholars have paid an increasing interest
in how social movements and protest activities may produce change at various levels.
The existing literature can be ordered according to the kind of consequence addressed.
In this regard, one can roughly distinguish between political, biographical, and cultural
outcomes. Political consequences are those effects of movement activities that alter in
some way the movements’ political environment. Biographical consequences are
effects on the life course of individuals who have participated in movement activities,
effects that are at least in part due to involvement in those activities. Although their
contours are less easily defined, cultural outcomes can be seen as the impact that social
movements may have in altering their broader cultural environment. The bulk of the
existing works have dealt with policy outcomes, which can be considered as a
subcategory of political outcomes. Biographical outcomes are less numerous, but they
form a substantial and quite coherent body of literature. Cultural outcomes have been
studied much less often. More recently, scholars have started to investigate the effects
that social movements and protest activities may have on other aspects of society, such
as the economy and market-related institutions, or on other movements. In addition,
one should also consider the distinction between internal and external outcomes as well
as that between intended and unintended consequences. Both distinctions partly crosscut
the typology of political, biographical, and cultural outcomes, although one might
think of political outcomes as mostly external and more intended, biographical
outcomes as mostly internal and unintended, and cultural outcomes as both internal
and external and mostly unintended
The Consequences of Social Movements
No full textSocial movements have attracted much attention in recent years, both from scholars and among the wider public. This book examines the consequences of social movements, covering such issues as the impact of social movements on the life course of participants and the population in general, on political elites and markets, and on political parties and processes of social movement institutionalization. The volume makes a significant contribution to research on social movement outcomes in three ways: theoretically, by showing the importance of hitherto undervalued topics in the study of social movements outcomes; methodologically, by expanding the scientific boundaries of this research field through an interdisciplinary approach and new methods of analysis; and empirically, by providing new evidence about social movement outcomes from Europe and the United States
Experience of economic hardship and right-wing political orientation hinder climate concern among European young people
Get PDFResults presented in this article have been obtained within the project ”Reinventing Democracy in Europe: Youth Doing Politics in Times of Increasing Inequalities” (EURYKA), funded by the European Commission under the Horizon 2020 Programme [grant agreement no. 727025]. Martín Portos acknowledges support from the Conex-Plus Marie Sklodowska-Curie programme [grant agreement no. 801538].While there is extensive literature about public concern about climate change, most studies rely on cross-sectional static data. Based on a unique panel survey conducted in nine European countries in 2018 and 2019, we make a rare investigation of factors that explain why some young people (age 18-34) are, have become or have lost their concern about climate and environmental issues at times of widespread discussions about the climate emergency. The analysis tests arguments about the importance of individual-level factors such as values and political orientations and consider the role of cross-national variations, the experience of extreme weather events, and youth-led climate strikes. Our results support prior studies as we find that young people with libertarian rather than authoritarian values, with more positive views towards immigration and redistribution policies, tend to be more concerned about climate change and the environment. We find little effect of contextual factors. Young people who have experienced economic hardship and have a right-wing political orientation are less likely to become concerned for climate and environmental issues. Socio-economic conditions, values and political orientations are crucial to understanding climate concern among young Europeans, affecting youth climate engagement at times of increasing inequalities and polarization
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
¿Protestas deliberativas? Persuadiendo a los políticos para que no cierren escuelas en las municipios suecos
Get PDFStudies on the political impact of protest mobilization sometimes show that disruptive protests help social movements achieve their goals. This is conventionally explained by politicians’ interests in re-elections and social control, ultimately neglecting alternative arguments such as the drive for better policy solutions. This study investigates if well-reasoned arguments – measured by the deliberative quality of protest letters against school closures – persuade Swedish municipal decision-makers more than simple outcries. Analysis demonstrates support for this argument, as schools defended by protest letters with a higher deliberative quality have higher probability to remain open than schools defended by letters of a lower deliberative quality. However, a fundamental paradox rises from the second conclusion: intrinsically non-deliberate forms of protests, such as demonstrations, have a stronger negative effect on the likelihood of school closures. Hence, well-reasoned communicative practices have some power of persuasion, but experienced activists may prefer disruptive protests for more political leverage.Los estudios sobre el impacto político de la movilización de protesta muestran que a veces las protestas disruptivas ayudan a los movimientos sociales a alcanzar sus objetivos. Esto se explica convencionalmente por los intereses de los políticos en la reelección y el control social, dejando de lado en última instancia argumentos alternativos tales como la búsqueda de mejores soluciones en términos de mejores políticas. Este artículo investiga si los argumentos bien razonados - medidos por la calidad deliberativa de cartas de protesta contra el cierre de las escuelas - persuaden más que los simples gritos a los responsables municipales en Suecia. El análisis apoya este argumento puesto que las escuelas defendidas por cartas de protesta con una calidad superior de deliberación tienen una mayor probabilidad de permanecer abiertas que las escuelas defendidas por cartas de una calidad deliberativa inferior. Sin embargo, surge una paradoja fundamental a partir de la segunda conclusión: las formas intrínsecamente no deliberadas de protestas, como las manifestaciones, tienen un efecto negativo más fuerte sobre la probabilidad de cierre de las escuelas. Por lo tanto, las prácticas comunicativas bien razonadas tienen cierto poder de persuasión, pero los activistas experimentados pueden preferir protestas disruptivas como medio para obtener más influencia política
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