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    Гегель и республиканская мысль

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    The philosophical system of Hegel greatly affected theoreticians representing various trends in reflection on politics. Some thinkers regarded him as a predecessor of the future proletarian revolution, others as a reactionary and ideologist of authoritarian governments. He was perceived as a liberal thinker, a conservative, and even a founding father of totalitarianism. It is difficult, however, to find an author who would associate Hegel’s thoughts with the republican tradition. The author of this article tries to pursue this task. At first sight, Hegel does not offer any analysis of the republic. His main topic is the state, understood very broadly as a political unity and totality – as a living ethical community. Attempts at including Hegel in the classical republican tradition require strong arguments. The first hint is the presence and outstanding importance of Aristotle and Kant in his works. These two names cannot be omitted in republican thought.The philosophical system of Hegel greatly affected theoreticians representing various trends in reflection on politics. Some thinkers regarded him as a predecessor of the future proletarian revolution, others as a reactionary and ideologist of authoritarian governments. He was perceived as a liberal thinker, a conservative, and even a founding father of totalitarianism. It is difficult, however, to find an author who would associate Hegel’s thoughts with the republican tradition. The author of this article tries to pursue this task. At first sight, Hegel does not offer any analysis of the republic. His main topic is the state, understood very broadly as a political unity and totality – as a living ethical community. Attempts at including Hegel in the classical republican tradition require strong arguments. The first hint is the presence and outstanding importance of Aristotle and Kant in his works. These two names cannot be omitted in republican thought

    Dylematy kary śmierci na antropologicznym tle

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    The article The Death Penalty Dilemmas Against an Anthropological Background by Zbigniew Stawrowski shows anthropological roots of different approaches to the death penalty present in the public discussion. On the philosophical ground, the author supports the thesis that the existence of the death penalty in the state law is inevitable and that such a solution complies with the Christian view of manArtykuł Dylematy kary śmierci na antropologicznym tle autorstwa Zbigniewa Stawrowskiego ukazuje antropologiczne zakorzenienie różnych, obecnych w publicznej dyskusji, podejść do kary śmierci na gruncie filozoficznym broni tezy o nieodzowności istnienia kary śmierci w prawie państwowym, argumentując za zgodnością takiego rozwiązania z chrześcijańskim spojrzeniem na człowieka

    Czym jest teologia polityczna?

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    The article constitutes an attempt to explain the idea of political theology, which was largely spread by Carl Schmitt, a German jurist and political theorist. For the purpose of the article, the Author made a necessary analysis of the concept of theology and, in the second part, focused on the definition of the concept of political theology. The Author used the discussion about political systems and mutual relationships between the State and the Church to examine the possibility for determining the border between religion and politics. While not undermining the validity of the concept of theology according to C. Schmitt, the article argues in the conclusion that the political point of view should not be regarded as the only determinant of exercising the power since the religious perspective is equally important.Artykuł jest próbą wyjaśnienia idei pojęcia teologii politycznej, któregorozpowszechnienie w dużej mierze należało do Carla Schmitta, niemieckiego teoretyka państwa i  prawa. Na potrzeby artykułu autor dokonał koniecznej analizy pojęcia teologii, a w drugiej części skupił się na definicji pojęcia teologii politycznej. Omówienie systemów politycznych oraz wzajemnych relacji pomiędzy państwem a  Kościołem, autor wykorzystał w  celu zbadania możliwości wyznaczenia granicy pomiędzy religią a polityką. W swojej konkluzji artykuł, nie umniejszając słuszności koncepcji teologii wg C. Schmitta, dowodzi, że polityczny punkt widzenia nie powinien być uważany za wyłączny determinant sprawowania władzy, gdyż równie ważna jest perspektywa religijna

    Klaps jako imperatyw kategoryczny

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    The contemporary cultural trends that introduce regulations weakening parental rights have also come to Poland. Under the influence of utilitarian-statist ideology, which sees the state and its officials as the primary educators and guardians of children, powers naturally enjoyed by parents are being questioned under various pretexts. One of these is the use of violence against children. Due to actions taken by the state towards family, institutional violence used by the state – which is often much more severe for children – often becomes a remedy for parental violence. This text attempts to solve the problem by referring to the basic Kantian distinction between justified and unjustified violence, and to the priority of family and parental rights over the powers of the state. In the same way that the state can use violence towards citizens, so parents can use violence towards their children, as long as its scope and form stems from what is most important for the parental relationship: the categorical imperative of responsible love, aimed at encouraging a child on his or her way of growing up into responsible freedom. A symbol of such parental action is the act of spanking, which – when properly understood and properly used – is sometimes a moral duty of parents

    What is Political Theology?

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    The idea of political theology, which for almost one hundred years has been accompanying our intellectual debates, seems to be an expression of the reawakening of awareness that reflection over politics, if we do not want to move exclusively on the surface of phenomena, must reach as deep as possible, and also take into account the religious and theological dimension of our life. However, there are numerous perspectives tied to the notion of political theology, and therefore this term can easily lead us astray. The main purpose of this article is to identify different positions in regard to the notion of “political theology.” It is necessary, first, to consider what theology itself is and how it can be understood, then, what may be hidden behind the word “political,” and finally, how these two fields of human life mutually influence each other, interpenetrate, and struggle for priority. This essay is about whether the key to understanding and shaping our reality could be a theological vision of politics, based on the vision of God who appeared in this world as Logos, or whether the key should be a political interpretation of a theology that subordinates and uses religious content to accomplish the earthly purposes of a particular political community.The idea of political theology, which for almost one hundred years has been accompanying our intellectual debates, seems to be an expression of the reawakening of awareness that reflection over politics, if we do not want to move exclusively on the surface of phenomena, must reach as deep as possible, and also take into account the religious and theological dimension of our life. However, there are numerous perspectives tied to the notion of political theology, and therefore this term can easily lead us astray. The main purpose of this article is to identify different positions in regard to the notion of “political theology.” It is necessary, first, to consider what theology itself is and how it can be understood, then, what may be hidden behind the word “political,” and finally, how these two fields of human life mutually influence each other, interpenetrate, and struggle for priority. This essay is about whether the key to understanding and shaping our reality could be a theological vision of politics, based on the vision of God who appeared in this world as Logos, or whether the key should be a political interpretation of a theology that subordinates and uses religious content to accomplish the earthly purposes of a particular political community

    John Paul II on Laws

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    John Paul II’s teachings on laws are not only a theological exposition, but also a modern description of interpersonal relationships by means of the philosophical concept of natural laws. Other than that it should remain in line with the general rules of natural law, statutory law is not among his main points of concern. The Pope significantly interpolates the classical teachings of Thomas Aquinas so as to perceive human dignity and individual autonomy as the source of interpersonal order. Having accepted The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Catholic Church has modernized its language to restate the same axioms, which previously had been expressed in terms of natural law. Yet, John Paul II proposes his own classification of fundamental rights, where two thereof play the central role, namely the right to life and to religious freedom, which he calls “the heart of human rights”

    Aksjologiczne podstawy konstytucji

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    The axiology embedded in a constitution refers to a political community in its most and its developed, modern form, which we refer to as a constitutional state. The basis of such a state institutional and legal structure, recorded in the fundamental law, is comprised of fundamental values that gradually filter into the consciousness and are subsequently universally accepted during a long-lasting, historical process which has been completed in a given cultural milieu. In order to indicate the values on which a constitutional state is founded and which it embodies, it is necessary to reach back to the very beginnings of not only a modern state before the epoch of a constitution, but also to those of the state as such. An axiological appraisal of a state must be based on the specific content of the ethical order at its foundations. There is a specific ‘axiology’ of exerting power as such, the basic yardstick for which is effectiveness. When we aim to appraise or draft a specific constitution, this pragmatic perspective must be taken into account. A well-organised system of the institutions of the state’s authority is, primarily, one which operates effectively.Axiologically, the most important part of a constitution, the one where the ethical foundations of the state are spelled out expressis verbis, is the catalogue of basic rights. At present, the main problem is the inflation of these rights, not only by rendering them too detailed, but also by placing political stipulations, social privileges or expectations regarded as generally right among them. (The II chapter of the Constitution now in force in Poland makes an instructive illustration of such an approach.) All these superfluous appendages not only litter the constitution, but also contribute to the devaluation of real fundamental rights as their meaning, essential to the maintenance of an interpersonal order, is diluted in the flood of quasi rights which have been added on

    Źródła idei praworządności. Lekcja Platona

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    Praworządność to określenie, które współcześnie w krajach Zachodu uchodzi za podstawowy wyznacznik właściwie funkcjonujących organizmów politycznych. Jednak w praktyce politycznej i relacjach międzynarodowych praworządność przyjmuje niepokojąco proteuszowy kształt. Warto więc sięgnąć do źródeł i postawić pytanie podstawowe: co to jest praworządność i w jakim sensie możemy o niej mówić jako o fundamencie wspólnoty politycznej? Poszukując odpowiedzi, sięgniemy do samych korzeni cywilizacji Zachodu – do początków filozoficznego namysłu nad rządami prawa. Przedmiotem naszych rozważań będą refleksje Platona, który jako pierwszy myśliciel w dziejach podjął próbę sformułowania i systematycznego opisu owego ideału nazywanego przez niego państwem sprawiedliwym.The rule of law is a term that is currently considered in Western countries to be the basic determinant of properly functioning political organisms. However, in political practice and international relations, the rule of law takes on a disturbingly Protean shape. It is therefore worth reaching back to the sources and asking the basic question: what is the rule of law and in what sense can we speak of it as the foundation of a political community? In our search for an answer, we will reach back to the very roots of Western civilization – to the beginnings of philosophical reflection on the rule of law. The subject of our considerations will be the reflections of Plato, who was the first thinker in history to attempt to formulate and systematically describe the ideal that he called a just state.Praworządność to określenie, które współcześnie w krajach Zachodu uchodzi za podstawowy wyznacznik właściwie funkcjonujących organizmów politycznych. Jednak w praktyce politycznej i relacjach międzynarodowych praworządność przyjmuje niepokojąco proteuszowy kształt. Warto więc sięgnąć do źródeł i postawić pytanie podstawowe: co to jest praworządność i w jakim sensie możemy o niej mówić jako o fundamencie wspólnoty politycznej? Poszukując odpowiedzi, sięgniemy do samych korzeni cywilizacji Zachodu – do początków filozoficznego namysłu nad rządami prawa. Przedmiotem naszych rozważań będą refleksje Platona, który jako pierwszy myśliciel w dziejach podjął próbę sformułowania i systematycznego opisu owego ideału nazywanego przez niego państwem sprawiedliwym
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