13,073 research outputs found
Rewriting history : postmodern and postcolonial negotiations in the fiction of J.G. Farrell, Timothy Mo, Kazuo Ishiguro and Salman Rushdie
No full textThis thesis is a study of the rewriting of history in the work of four novelists: J. G. Farrell, Timothy Mo, Kazuo Ishiguro and Salman Rushdie. I argue that their work occupies a particular position that is both within contemporary British fiction, yet at one remove from it.
Their work is situated within the context of critiques of history that are the source of a conflict between postmodernism and postcolonialism. I suggest that each writer engages with postmodemist aesthetics often in an attempt to produce critical histones that bear witness to the voices of those hitherto silenced in conventional historiography. However, these novelists remain anxious as to the potential consequences of mobilising postmodernist models of history, particularly as to the problems this creates concerning historical reference. The thesis aims to
identify the range of related attitudes to postmodernist critiques of history at this particular juncture of contemporary fiction in English.
I approach the specific position of the novelists under study through Homi Bhabha's work on the confluence of the postmodern and the postcolonial, focusing in particular on his suggestion that the postmodem refutation of Western epistemology enables a postcolonial space where a new range of histories emerge. Because each writer works between at least two cultures, and primarily within Britain, they negotiate from within received epistemology in an attempt to locate a space at its boundaries where conventional forms of knowledge no longer have efficacy. However, in contrast to Bhabha, these writers struggle to reach this space and remain sceptical as to the usefulness of postmodernism in making available new forms of
historiography. Ultimately, their work enables a critique of current ways of theorising the relationship between the postmodem and the postcolonial in literary studies
Modernisasi Arab Saudi Era Muhammad bin Salman
No full textThis research aims to examine the modernization that occurred in Saudi Arabia under the leadership of Muhammad bin Salman. The modernization of Saudi Arabia in the era of Muhammad bin Salman became important for Muhammad bin Salman's political attitude, which tended to be open to foreign cultures and move away from Wahhabism values that had been ingrained in Saudi Arabian culture. To support the analysis in the research, this article uses a historical approach and modernization theory. Through this approach and theory, this research is not only narrative-descriptive but more analytical-descriptive. The findings in this research are that the Wahhabism doctrine that developed in Saudi Arabia had a major impact not only on socio-religious aspects but also on political aspects. Through the Saudi royal authorities and Wahhabi clerics, everything that is not in accordance with the values of Wahhabism will be considered wrong and outside the pure teachings of Islam. This condition lasted until the end of King Salman's time and changed during the time of Muhammad bin Salman due to the modernity implemented in the Arab Vision 2030.
Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji modernisasi yang terjadi di Arab Saudi di bawah kepemimpinan Muhammad bin Salman. Modernisasi Arab Saudi di era Muhammad bin Salman menjadi penting sikap politik dari Muhammad bin Salman yang cenderung kepada keterbukaan terhadap kebudayaan luar dan keluar dari nilai-nilai Wahhabisme yang selama ini telah mengakar dalam budaya Arab Saudi. Untuk mendukung analisis dalam penelitian, artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dan teori modernisasi. Melalui pendekatan dan teori tersebut, penelitian ini tidak hanya bersifat naratif-deskriptif, melainkan lebih kepada analitis-deskriptif. Temuan dalam penelitian ini adalah, bahwa doktrin Wahhabisme yang berkembang di Arab Saudi memberikan dampak besar tidak hanya bagi sosial-keagamaan, melainkan juga aspek politik. Melalui otoritas kerajaan Saudi dan ulama Wahhabi, segala sesuatu yang tidak sesuai dengan nilai-nilai Wahhabisme akan dianggap salah dan keluar dari ajaran Islam yang murni. Kondisi tersebut berlangsung hingga berakhirnya masa Raja Salman dan berubah pada masa Muhammad bin Salman akibat modernitas yang diimplementasikan dalam Visi Arab 2030
The Salman Rushdie controversy, religious plurality and established religion in England
No full textThis thesis argues that the Salman Rushdie controversy has a range of "entails" which focus and contribute to the need for a reconsideration of the complex constitutional
nexus of religion, society and state currently embodied in the establishment of the Church of England.
Chapter 1: The Introduction, acknowledges the academic and professional contexts that have informed the thesis. It clarifies the central research questions, defines the
boundaries of the research and sets out the arguments in brief.
Chapter 2: The Contours of the Controversy, charts the principal features of the controversy as it developed between 1988 and the end of 1995, primarily by
highlighting the "critical incidents" during 1989.
Chapter 3: The Controversy: Actions and Reactions outlines a range of positions taken up within the controversy and concludes by distilling five clusters of issues (social,
religious, cultural, legal and political) which it is argued have "entails" for established religion in England.
Chapter 4 on Established Religion, The Controversy and the Issues outlines the inheritance of established religion in England. It brings the identified clusters of issues
into critical interaction with debates around this inheritance and the constitutional nexus which it represents for the contemporary relationships between religion(s), state and society in England. Finally, some alternative patterns for structuring these relationships are examined.
Chapter 5 on Towards a New Socio-Religious Contract concludes the thesis by arguing that, in the context of the changed composition of English society and the public
policies and community responses adopted in relation to these changes, the "entails" of the Rushdie controversy signal the arrival of a "kairos" for established religion and the need for negotiating a new "socio-religious contract. " Some alternative models are debated for symbolising, structuring and operationalising the relationships between religion(s), state and society in England within the UK, and a proposal is made for
what is argued to be a more theoretically coherent and practically appropriate way forward than either the current form of established religion or the other identified
possibilities
The translation of identity in the satanic verses: a love song to our mongrel selves
No full textThis thesis examines the translation of character identities within Salman Rushdie's novel, The Satanic Verses, and seeks to demonstrate how the dynamics of translating a text can be used as a model for discussing the transformations of characters within the book. Rushdie uses the term "translation" as a metaphor for the migrant experience of uprootedness that is a result of being "borne across" from one culture to another. From it, however, can be derived a metaphor for the universal experience of alienation that is a part of our shared humanity, and which describes the process of responding to a sense of "otherness" within ourselves and within a pluralistic culture. The framework which will be used to examine characters within The Satanic Verses responding to such conditions is George Steiner's translation hermeneutic outlined and discussed In his book. After Babel: Aspects of Language and Translation. The Introduction will set the context for the use of the term "translation”. Chapter One will discuss Steiner's position within translation theory and Rushdie's affinity to it as well as explain the basic translation model. Chapters Two through Five will look closely at Rushdie's text, analyzing the two protagonists, Gibreel and Saladin, as they undergo, or fail to undergo, the translation process. Finally, the conclusion will suggest that the Rushdie affair engendered by this novel is, ironically, a linguistic debate provoked by a text that urges its readers to be translated. By making its readers acutely aware of what is "other" to them, the The Satanic Verses proposes and attempts to answer a single, profoundly religious, question: "How are we to live in the world?
EPISTEM SOSIAL KRITIS MUHAMMAD SALMAN GHANIM (Studi Kitab Allah Wa Al-Jama’ah Min Haqa’iq Al-Qur’an)
No full textSetidaknya penelitian ini berpijak pada fakta bahwa Muhammad Salman Ghanim dalam kitab Allah wa al-Jama’ah Min Haqa’iq al-Qur’an memiliki pemikiran yang menggelitik dan unik. Hal tersebut terlihat dari pendapatnya yang mengatakan bahwa hak-hak Allah yang paten di dunia telah berpindah kepada jamaah dalam bahasa lainnya adalah suara rakyat adalah suara tuhan. Dari kutipan tersebut, jika diruntut bisa dilihat bahwa pada mulanya Salman Ghanim memiliki kegelisahan berkenaan dengan konteks keagamaan yang menyelimuti di masanya, yang mana pada waktu itu para agamawan yang menjabat dalam sistem pemerintah sering menawarkan konsep agama untuk menyelesaikan permasalahan yang sedang terjadi, misalnya dalam konsep al hakimiyah li Allah. Menurut pemahaman kaum konvensional ulama, pemahaman tentang ayat-ayat al h}ukm dijadikan sebagai kedok legitimasi bahwa pemimpin adalah seorang yang suci, tidak pernah salah atau dapat bersikap memerintah rakyatnya tanpa kendali pengawasan dan antikritik. Dan bagi Salman Ghanim penerapan konsep yang seperti itu tidak dapat berkontribusi secara konkret dalam penyelesaian berbagai masalah yang ada, cenderung hanya menjadi omong kosong belaka. Atas keresahan tersebut yang kemudian Salman Ghanim tergerak untuk melacak sumber dasar yang dijadikan atas legitimasi tersebut, apakah emang benar demikian atau malah mereka sebaliknya. fakta selanjutnya bahwa ia memiliki gaya tersendiri dalam menafsirkan ayat hal tersebut yang kemudian membedakannya dengan tokoh penafsir yang pernah berkembang sebelumnya khususnya di era kontemporer sepertihalnya Fazlur Rahman, Hasan Hanafi, Muhammad Syahrur, Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid, Abid al-Jabiri dan Abdullah Said. Dalam hal ini, salah satunya bisa dilihat dari produk tafsirnya tentang konsep poligami, di mana mayoritas ulama pada umumnya membolehkan poligami dengan landasan QS. an-Nisa‟ [4]: 3. Muhammad Salman Ghanim tidak setuju dengan hal tersebut bahkan menurutnya pendapat ulama tersebut tidak berdasar, menurutnya ayat tersebut memuat pesan bahwa dorongan untuk menikahi janda beranak yatim dan peringatan keras bagi orang-orang yang lemah hatinya yang rentan memakan harta anak yatim jika menikahi ibu anak yatim tersebut atau mencampur adukkan harta mereka dengan hartanya hal tersebut diindikasikan oleh ayat sebelumnya yakni QS. an-Nisa‟ [4]: 2 tutur salman ghanim. Sampai pada titik ini tentu ia memiliki epistem (rancang bangun) tersendiri dalam memahami teks. Dari ini yang kemudian peneliti tertarik untuk memahami epistem Muhammad Salman Ghanim secara utuh.
Dengan menggunakan kerangka teori epistemologi atau teori pengetahuan peneliti akan membedah terkait rancang bangun Muhammad Salman Ghanim secara utuh lebih khusus terkait Sumber, paradigma dan tawaran konsep Muhammad Salman Ghanim dalam kitabnya yakni Allah wa al-Jama’ah Min Haqa’iq al-Qur’an. dari dua pertanyaan pertama setidaknya nanti akan menjawa pertanyaan terkait bagaimana epistem sosial kritis Muhammad Salman Ghanim
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dalam kitabnya. Dan pertanyaan yang terakhir akan menjawab bagaimana tawaran tawaran konsepnya dalam kitabnya sekaligus hal tersebut yang menjadi salah satu yang membedakannya dengan pemikir lainnya.
Dari penelusuran tersebut jelas sudah bahwa ia memiliki rancang bangu tersendiri dalam menafsirkan teks al-Qur‟an hal tersebut adalah paradigma sosial kritis yang melekat dalam tubuhnya. Adapun maksud dari paradigma sosial kritis itu sendiri adalah yang memandang bahwa kemaslahatan merupakan tingkatan tertinggi dibanding kepentingkan pribadi. Dalam artian dalam praktenya harus mendahulukan kepentingan umum dibanding kepentingan individual. Konsep sosial kritis yang dimaksud dalam hal ini diorientasikan kepada kemaslahatan bersama, atau dalam bahasa Salman Ghanim kemaslahatan diorientasikan pada jamaah. Dengan sistem penafsiran al-Qur‟an yang integral (mutakamilah) Salman Ghanim berkesimpulan, bahwa “barang siapa yang mengambil hukum tanpa kepentingan umat dan pendapat jama’ah (mayoritas), maka ia termasuk orang kafir yang mengingkari hak dan kebenaran
Representations of migrant and nation in selected works of Rohinton Mistry and Salman Rushdie
No full textThis thesis explores the representations of, and the relationship between. the migrant and the nation in selected works of the Bombay-born novelists Rohinton Mistry and Salman Rushdie. I explore each writer's engagement with contemporary debates surrounding the material, political, social and imaginative consequences of the crisis in secularism in India during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and consider how this engagement is informed by their
migrant positions beyond India's borders. A primary concern is the way in which Mistry's and Rushdie's representations of the nation, and of migrant and diasporic subjects, intersects with the representation of Bombay in their work.
This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first two chapters concentrate on Mistry's fiction, the remaining three on Rushdie's work. Published between 1988 and 2002, the central novels examined are situated within debates regarding the founding principles of the Indian nation, and notions of Indianness, the rise of communalism in general and Hindu nationalism in particular, and the renaming of Bombay as Mumbai. My readings foreground the necessity of a
close understanding of the historical and political transformations taking place within Bombay and India during the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, but also during the 1950s and 1960s. I argue that Mistry's and Rushdie's work is informed by a deepening anxiety over these socio-political transformations, and over how reconfigurations of Indianness increasingly position minority communities, and migrant and diasporic subjects, outside of definitions of national identity.
This anxiety extends into the negotiation of their own migrant positions. My reading of the differing representations of the migrant in Mistry's and Rushdie's work engages with ideas of accountability, political responsibility, and with notions of cosmopolitanism. In doing so, I question familiar assumptions regarding the migrant condition as one of predominantly empowering political agency. I argue that, while both authors emphasise the importance of the migrant sustaining a critical engagement with India's politics, they also foreground the anxious difficulties of doing so. This difficulty informs Mistry's and Rushdie's divergent negotiation of their own position as migrant writers, and I examine how their fiction is marked by an anxiety over the adequacy of writing as a mode of political engagement with the crisis in secularism and the parochialisation of Bombay, and as a means of negotiating the politics of migrancy
A critical analysis of Christian responses to Islamic claims about the work of the Prophet Muhammad, ‘the Messenger of God’.
No full textThe aims of this study are to analyse critically the different Christian responses to the Islamic understanding of the work of Muhammad. Chapter one consists a short introduction leading to an appraisal of Muhammad which incorporates historical, hagiographal and Quranic source material, and in the light of relevant Christian and Muslim scholarship. The second chapter presents a summary critical analysis of Muhammad in Christian theological perspective, from 661 A.D. to modern times. Chapter three presents a critique of Christian responses to the Muslim allegations that the text of the Bible has been infected with corruption; and that Muhammad's advent and status are foretold in the unadulterated' scriptures, and in the Gospel of Barnabas. Chapter four examines the theological significance of the work of Muhammad for Christians. Thus, Jesus and Muhammad are critically assessed and contrasted in order to ascertain the importance, for Christians, of the Muslim claims in respect of Muhammad as ’the messenger of God’. Chapter five provides a critical evaluation of the various Christian responses to Muhammad. It is argued that many of the said responses have been entangled in myths and misperceptions which have severely distorted the true account of Muhammad's work. Consequently, many Christians have failed to appreciate the divine legitimacy of Muhammad's call to prophethood. Further, it is argued that Christians should accept that Muhammad is a genuine prophet, and the messenger of God. However, Muhammad's use of the power-structure in order to maintain Islam is in sharp contrast to Jesus’ decision to face the consequences of his ministry passively through faith in God. Accordingly, orthodox Christian belief in the passion, death and resurrection of Jesus provides another dimension to prophethood, where the messenger and the message become one, an identification which finds no parallel in Islam, and which, in the nature of the case, cannot find a parallel
Pioneers of Library Movement in Pakistan
No full textThe paper aims to describe in brief the contribution of seven leaders of Pakistan librarianship, viz. K.B. Khalifa M. Asadullah, Prof. Dr. Abdul Moid, Dr. Abdus Subuh Qasimi, Muhammad Shafi, Fazal Elahi, Khawaja Nur Elahi and S. V. Hussain. The early library developments are given for better understanding of the role of these leaders
Changing nature of competition in the weak party system of hybrid regime in Pakistan
No full textPakistan as different post-colonial states had experienced three military rules till 2008 since its inception in 1947. During and in between different military rule political parties did not cease to exist barring few. These parties have been engaged in a contentious competition among each other that has paved the way for different military rules. After the end of last military rule in 2008 Pakistan had gone through three consecutive elections with three different parties gaining majority. During this period the nature of competition has been oscillating between contentious and cooperative forms. This dissertation combines the theoretical traditions of hybrid regimes and party-system institutionalization to explain the changing political dynamics of Pakistan. Case of Pakistan is analyzed with reference to configurative approach of Gilbert and Mohseni (2011) in linkage with the concept of party-system institutionalization (PSI), proposed by Mainwaring and Scully (1995). It is proposed that in the presence of current degree of PSI in Pakistan, hybridity of the regime will persist
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