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    Poverty, Feudalism, and Land Reform—The Continued Relevance of Iqbal

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    After half a century of development experience, one-third of the population of Pakistan today is condemned to struggle below the poverty line, howsoever defined. In absolute terms, this size of the population of the poor is larger than the total population of [West] Pakistan at the time of independence in 1947. The incidence of rural poverty is greater than in urban areas. Iqbal died nine years before the state of Pakistan was established in 1947 and 2 years before the adoption of the Lahore Resolution in 1940. Territorially, the present-day Pakistan is closer to Iqbal’s idea of the Muslim State presented in his famous presidential address at the annual session of the Muslim League held at Allahabad in 1930: “I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Balochistan amalgamated into a single State” [Brelvi (1977), p. 63]. The same, however, would be hard to say in regard to his vision of economy and society. Poverty as a problem, feudalism as the cause and land reform as a solution formed the most important part of this vision. Why did the Muslims of India require a state of their own? Iqbal elaborated this point later in a letter written to the Quaid-i-Azam in May 1937. He wrote: “The problem of bread is becoming more and more acute. The Muslim has begun to feel that he has been going down and down during the last 200 years. Ordinarily he believes that his poverty is due to Hindu money-lending or capitalism. The perception that it is equally due to foreign rule has not yet fully come to him. But it is bound to come. The atheistic socialism of Jawaharlal is not likely to receive much response from the Muslims. The question therefore is: how is it possible to solve the problem of Muslim poverty? And the whole future of the League depends on the League’s activity to solve this question. If the League can give no such promises I am sure that Muslim masses will remain indifferent to it as before. Happily there is a solution in the enforcement of the Law of Islam and its further development in the light of modern ideas.

    The Debt of the Nation

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    The debt of the nation comprises two parts, the external debt and the internal debt. After rapidly accumulating arrears of external debt in the post-sanctions period, Pakistan has had to seek re-scheduling of her external debt as part of a financing and reform package negotiated with the IMF. While re-scheduling has not been sought for the first time, the rising burden of this debt has generated a serious debate for the first time. In the heat of this debate, the heavier burden of the costlier internal debt has been nearly ignored. Although this paper takes account of the totality of the debt towards the end, its main focus is on the problem of external debt for reasons not only of its immediacy but the prospects of forced self-reliance raised by the financial and economic fall-out of the nuclear explosions of May 1998. Section II looks for the data sources and discovers that there are as many sizes of the debt as there are sources. In its latest report, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) characterises the economy as “highly indebted” in terms of its external debt, while the latest Economic Survey (ES) does not consider the external debt as large as it appears. Section III analyses these claims in terms of the internationally recognised debt burden indicators. In Section IV, attention is devoted to debt sustainability criteria. Section V of the paper examines the question as to how debt, which also shows access to capital required for economic growth, was allowed to become a burden over time. The last Section presents main conclusions and suggests an agenda for action.

    Multisectoral Initiatives, Sectoral Inertia: A Dilemma of Governance for Development Policy-makers

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    The opinion of development professionals at home and abroad has converged on the point that bad governance lies at the root of the loss of the momentum of economic growth, increasing poverty and failed investment in social sectors. Early concern of development economists with market failure brought in the arguments for the role of government. Government failure was the dominant issue of the eighties. The last decade of the twentieth century is witnessing a focus on governance failure, a broader concept in that the government is not viewed as the only governing entity. This paper addresses an issue which has been there during the reigns of all these “failure” paradigms. It arises from the inability of governments, organised traditionally into the vertically operating line departments, to deal effectively with multisectoral or cross-sectoral problems and cross-cutting issues. The paper traces the evolution of multisectoral issues and looks at the standard approach of treating multisectoral initiatives as a horizontally fathomed coordination problem to show that it has been an unmitigated disaster. It argues that the multisectoral issues can be better addressed by internalising the elements of coordination, particularly in social sectors, though there have been situations which raise questions about this approach as well. The large majority of the newly emergent nations of the postwar world adopted a planned course of development, some impressed by the high industrial growth achieved by the Soviet Union and others convinced by the analytical case for overcoming the market imperfections.

    Kritik Pervez Hoodbhoy terhadap Islamic Science

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    Abstract: One of the prominent Islamic scientists who reject and criticize the development of Islamic science is Pervez Hoodbhoy. He said that the Qur'an is not a scientific book, even though it explicitly discusses various natural events. Therefore, in this article, the author will discuss the criticism of the scientist Pervez Hoodbhoy in Islamic Science. And examines the reasons for criticism and rejection as well as the responses of several other Islamic scientists to Pervez Hoodbhoy's criticism. by using a qualitative approach, which is library research. The research results show that, Hoodboy's greatest error in understanding Islamic science was first his belief that science is secular while acknowledging the existence of divinity; second, he stated that attempts to create Islamic sciences would fail because knowledge from the West raises doubt and prediction to scientific degrees in terms of methodology; third, morality and theology in any way will not be able to create new science; and fourth, there is no definition of science. Fourth, there is no acceptable definition of science among Muslims. fifth, there is only one universal science on the globe. Sixth, religion and science have different research dimensions. Seventh, questions regarding Islamic Science in the Middle Ages, and eighth, Muslim-developed doubts about Islam's character in science.   Keywords: Criticism, Islamic Science, Pervez Hoodbooy   Abstrak: Pervez Hoodbhoy adalah salah satu tokoh ilmuwan islam yang menolak dan mengkritik pengembang islami sains. Ia menyatakan bahwa Al Qur’an bukan sebagai kitab sains walaupun secara eksplisit membahas berbagai peristiwa alam. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk  mengkritik pemikiran ilmuwan Pervez Hoodbhoy terhadap Islamic Science. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang bersifat library research. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kesalahan terbesar Hoodboy dalam memahamai sains Islam adalah pertama, pemikirannya bahwa sains bersifat sekuler padahal ia mengakui eksistensi ketuhanan, kedua, ia menyatakan bahwa usaha untuk menciptakan sains Islam akan gagal karena pengetahuan dari barat mengangkat keraguan dan pendugaan ke derajat ilmiah dalam hal metodologi, ketiga, prinsip-prinsip moral dan teologi betapapun tidak akan mampu menciptakan sains baru, keempat, belum ada definisi sains yang dapat diterima kaum muslimin, kelima, hanya ada satu sains di dunia ini dan bersifat universal, keenam, agama dan sains memiliki dimensi penelitian yang berbeda, ketujuh, keraguannya terhadap ilmu pengetahuan Islam di abad pertengahan, dan kedelapan, keraguannya akan karakter Islam dalam sains yang dikembangkan oleh muslim. Kata Kunci: Kritik, Sains Islam, Pervez HoodbooyAbstrak: Pervez Hoodbhoy adalah salah satu tokoh ilmuwan islam yang menolak dan mengkritik pengembang islami sains. Ia menyatakan bahwa Al Qur’an bukan sebagai kitab sains walaupun secara eksplisit membahas berbagai peristiwa alam. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji  kritik ilmuwan Pervez Hoodbhoy terhadap Islamic Science dan  alasan-alasan kritik dan penolakannya serta tanggapan beberapa ilmuwan Islam lainnya terhadap kritik Pervez Hoodbhoy. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang bersifat library research. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pertama, menurut Hoodbhoy, di dunia ini hanya ada satu sains yang bersifat universal. Tidak ada sains Islam, sains Hindu, sains Kristen, sains Yahudi dan sains Konghucu, serta sains-sains lain yang ditunggangi dengan ideologi tertentu. Ia berpendapat, apabila sains, ditunggangi oleh sebuah ideologi keagamaan, maka akan sangat berbahaya, sebab, bagaimana mungkin Islam sebagai agama yang mengandung kebenaran disandingkan dengan teori sains yang kebenarannya berubah-ubah sesuai waktu, perkembangan dan kajian para saintis. Kedua, menurutnya, agama dan sains memiliki dimensi penelitian yang berbeda. Ketiga, kritik yang paling tajam adalah pertanyaan Hoodbhoy mengenai kesuksesan ilmu pengetahuan Islam di abad pertengahan apakah benar-benar sains Islam atau sains muslim. Sebagaimana kita ketahui bersama bagaimana fakta keemasan peradaban Islam. Kata Kunci: Islamic Science, Pervez Hoodboo

    KIPRAH POLITIK PERVEZ MUSHARRAF DI PAKISTAN TAHUN 1999-2008 M

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    Pervez Musharraf merupakan salah satu presiden yang memimpin negara Pakistan. Pervez Musharraf besar dan menjadi politisi hebat dengan pangkat Jenderal Angkatan Darat Pakistan. Pola pikir Musharraf yang baru dan mampu membawa negara Pakistan menjadi lebih baik dari pemerintahan pemimpin sebelumnya, Nawaz Sharif. Pada akhirnya, Musharraf menjadi seorang Presiden Pakistan di tahun 2001. Kontribusi Musharraf terhadap Pakistan terhitung cukup banyak terutama dalam bidang ekonomi. Dibalik pencapaiannya sebagai seorang presiden, Pervez Musharraf telah melalui beberapa tantangan dan kiprah politik. Oleh karena itu, penting untuk mengetahui serta mempelajari sejarah terkait kiprah politik yang telah dilakukan oleh Pervez Musharraf dan bisa digunakan sebagai inspirasi terkait kiprah politik Musharraf terhadap negara Pakistan. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui biografi Pervez Musharraf, bagaimana kiprah politik yang dilakukannya di Pakistan, serta dampak dari kiprah politik Pervez Musharraf bagi masyarakat Pakistan. Penelitian dengan tema Kiprah politik Pervez Musharraf di Pakistan menggunakan teori kebijakan publik yang dikemukakan oleh Thomas R. Dye. Teori ini merupakan teori dimana pemerintahan dapat menentukan apa yang ingin mereka lakukan dan apa yang tidak ingin dilakukan. Proses penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka atau literatur sehingga data-data yang diperoleh berasal dari buku, jurnal maupun penelitian terdahulu. Hasil dari penelitian ini menjelaskan Pervez Musharraf merupakan politisi sekaligus mantan Presiden Pakistan yang lahir di Delhi, British India pada tanggal 11 Agustus 1943. Musharraf mulai mengembangkan minatnya terkait dunia militer di Pakistan setelah bergabung dengan Pakistan Militer Academy (PMA). Pervez Musharraf pernah menjabat sebagai Kepala Staf Tentara Pakistan, Kepala Eksekutif Pakistan, serta Presiden Pakistan selama periode tahun 1998 sampai 2008. Pervez Musharraf yang pernah menjabat sebagai presiden mempengaruhi beberapa hal yang ada di negara Pakistan, seperti dalam segi ekonomi, politik, pendidikan, hingga pemberdayaan perempuan

    Contribution of High-Yield Varieties Seeds to Major Food Crops Production, Yield and Area in Punjab - Pakistan

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    The present study is undertaken to measure the contribution of HYVs to major food crops (Wheat, rice, bajra, jowar and maize) production, yield and area in Pakistan Punjab. The study is based on secondary data for the last 44 years, i.e., from 1951-52 to 1994-95. For this purpose, a comparison of growth rates for production, yield and area is made (1) between period I (1951 to 1964) and period II 1965 to 1978). (2) between period II and period III (1979 to 1994) and (3) between period I and period IV (1951 to 1994). The study shows that the influence of HYV seed on production, yield and area for major food crops in Punjab is mixed. The contribution of HYVs to production, area and yield growth for wheat is remarkable. The adoption of HYVs has helped to accelerate the growth rate for production and yield for rice and maize in period II. In case of Jowar despite the fact that its area and production decreased its yield increased in period II, which may be due to the adoption of HYV seeds.Growth, Comparison, Periods, Time-series, Semi-log, HYV seed, Food crops, Area, Yield.

    On 25 January Pervez Musharraf, president of Pakistan, visited CERN

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    Pervez Musharraf, president of Pakistan, visited CERN with five government ministers, Parvez Butt, president of Pakistan's Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC), and an eminent former president of the Commission, Ishfaq Ahmad, who pioneered co-operation with CERN. The President of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, the Chairman of PAEC, Parvez Butt, and CERN's Director-General, Robert Aymar, exchange congratulations following the signing of the letter of intent to strengthen partnership between CERN and Pakistan

    On 25 January Pervez Musharraf, president of Pakistan, visited CERN

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    Ceremony in the Council Chamber : the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, during his speech in the Council Chamber

    Exploring the Leadership of General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan

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    This paper is a study of the leadership style and qualities of General Pervez Musharraf, President of Pakistan who took power on October 12,1999. The research is a historical study using data from archives, autobiography, government reports, mass media, and my own expertise as a native Pakistani. While the central theme is to analyze General Musharraf\u27s leadership style, the four questions guiding this work are: 1) What are the demonstrated characteristics of General Pervez Musharraf\u27s leadership? 2) can General Musharraf be described as an authentic leader? 3) What is General Pervez Musharraf\u27s role in the global war on terror? 4) What are the challenges to his leadership? The event of September 11, 2001 in New York, and subsequent terrorist bombings in London, Jakarta, Madrid and many places across the globe including Pakistan, have catapulted Musharraf on to the global scene. As he has become what some politicians refer to as an ally on the global war on terrorism, Musharraf is viewed as a \u27person of interest\u27 by the United States government, the American people, and many governments and people around the world. The diametrically opposite reviews that Gen Musharraf continues to receive make him a many faceted candidate for the study of leadership. The dimension of ambivalence concerning views of Musharraf\u27s leadership on the world stage after 9/11 makes him a complex leader and one whom history is yet to assess
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