300 research outputs found
Yan Linn Aung – Grammatical recordings
No full textNine recordings in which Mr Yan Linn Aung provides some examples that demonstrate Cholim grammatical features.
This consists of the following nine sound files:
nst-cho_20150104_01_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_02_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_03_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_04_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_05_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_06_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_07_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150104_08_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150119_01_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
nst-cho_20150119_02_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar
The detials of these recordings are as follows:
nst-cho_20150104_01_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 3’36”, Word List, word for ‘fat’ do³, pi²pjo³ ‘flower’
nst-cho_20150104_02_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 1’09”, Word List, ne² ‘paddy field’ and ne³ ‘ear’
nst-cho_20150104_03_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 6’45”, Word List pʰai² ‘left side’, tsai¹ ‘right side’ , ‘year’ &c
nst-cho_20150104_04_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 0’46”, Word List, verbs tsa² ‘be born’ ɪtsa³ ‘be born, nominalised form’
nst-cho_20150104_05_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 20’28”, Word List, verbs in nominalised and verbal forms: tsa² ‘be born’ ɪtsa³ ‘be born, nominalised form’ and others, CALMSEA list up to ‘white’
nst-cho_20150104_06_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 2’12”, Word List, verbs in nominalised and verbals forms, CALMSEA list from ‘eat’ up to ‘give’
nst-cho_20150104_07_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 10’56”, Word List, verbs in nominalised and verbals forms, CALMSEA list from ‘lick’ to ‘roll’
nst-cho_20150104_08_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 1’31”, Tone marks of the agreement markers
nst-cho_20150119_01_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 0’50”, Tonal variation between differences; I did not run /ʒɯ¹ maŋ²/ and the causative /ʒɯ³ maŋ²/ ‚I did not make (him) flee‘. Also past tense.
nst-cho_20150119_02_SM_H5_YanLinnAung_Grammar_Duration 0’16”, The word for ‘self’ /kʰu³ʃi¹
KUDETA JUNTA MILITER MYANMAR TERHADAP AUNG SAN SUU KYI 2021
No full textThis paper aims to find out and analyze how the coup carried out by the Myanmar military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi. This research began on November 8, 2022, the Government of Myanmar held a presidential election. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The opposition through the Union Solidarity and Development did not recognize the election results. They claim that Aung San Suu Kyi's victory in Myanmar's election was carried out by fraud. This made the opposition party reject and the military junta supported the decision. Through the Myanmar military junta, Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested and the election was deemed invalid. The coup by the military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi was carried out so that Myanmar was declared a state of emergency after the military coup led by the military junta in Myanmar. Based on this the author tries to analyze how the military junta carried out a coup against Aung San Suu Kyi
Theoretical and Textual Approaches to Contemporary Humanitarian Narrative: The Cases of Roberto Saviano’s Gomorra, Aung San Suu Kyi’s Letters from Burma, Jerry Piasecki’s Marie in the Shadow of the Lion and Nadine Gordimer’s The Ultimate Safari
No full textThe purpose of this thesis is to describe how some forms of fictional and non-fictional texts can be configured as and within the framework of humanitarian practices. In exploring the definitions and features of humanitarianism and humanitarian literature, the thesis attempts to answer the question of what purpose these texts try to serve. In examining the works Marie in the Shadow of the Lion (2000) by Jerry Piasecki, The Ultimate Safari (1989) by Nadine Gordimer, Gomorra (2006) by Roberto Saviano and Letters from Burma (1996) by Aung San Suu Kyi, we will argue that the scope of these books can be located by analogy to social and political humanitarian practices. Beyond their differences in genre, style and subject matter, these texts share a common feature: they are performative, namely they strive to do things with words. The humanitarian texts discussed in this thesis can be shown to act in the world in order to implement the values proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
A Burkean analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi\u27s leadership role in the political development of Burma
No full textThe focus of this thesis is the historical and analytical role, influence and effect of Aung San, U Nu, and Ne Win in the struggle of independent post-war Burma between the philosophy of Buddhism and the aims of a Socialist welfare-state and its effect on Aung San Suu Kyi\u27s struggle for democracy in present day Burma. There has not been any rhetorical analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi as of yet. Chapter 1 covers the political history of Burma in detail; it will cover the monarchy period, the British colonization, and the struggle for independence. Chapter 2 will concentrate on the cultural developments of India and Burma under colonial rule and Chapter 3 covers the historic role of Buddhism, as a religion, social structure, and resistance to secularism.
Chapter 4 consists of the analysis of Aung San\u27s political ideologies and the examination of the influences he had during the struggle for independence, the present effects, and the foundations for the next era. Chapter 5 analyzes U Nu and Ne Win\u27s role, religious influence and outcome of their leadership role in the political development of the nation. Chapter 6 will cover of Aung San Suu Kyi\u27s political ideologies and her ability to lead the nation to their second independence
<Articles>General Aung San and the Arzani Beikman, Martyrs' Mausoleum
No full textビルマ (ミャンマー) の民主派は、ビルマ国軍の歩みを整理し、同軍がアウンサン将軍の時代には国民の側に立っていたが、その死後に変質して、国民を抑圧するようになったと主張している。だが、史料の断片から窺うに、このような理解は単純に過ぎる。本稿は、アウンサンの複雑な実像に迫る作業の一部として、「アーザーニー・ベイッマン」(殉難者廟) の建設の問題を分析する。アウンサンと国軍は、日本軍の指導部の影響を受け、ラングーンに靖国神社を模倣したこの施設をつくろうとした。戦後も、「アーザーニー」(殉難者)の顕彰を継続した。一九四五年以後のアウンサンは、選挙を重視する姿勢を打ち出して、自らを民主主義者としたが、国民が国と軍に奉仕することも強く求めたのだった。そのようなアウンサンも、一九四六年以後、慰霊の対象を広げて、ナショナリズムに縛られた「アーザーニー」の理念からの脱却を始めた。Pro-democracy groups in Burma (Myanmar) have viewed the history of the Burmese military systematically, arguing that the army stood with the people during the time of General Aung San, but after his death it degenerated and began to oppress the people. However, as we can see from the fragments of historical documents, such an understanding is too simplistic. This paper analyzes the issue of the construction of the Arzani Beikman as part of an approach to grasp the complex reality of Aung San. Conventional research has mainly discussed Aung San's political vision based on his speeches in 1946-1947, but if it is viewed during the period of Japanese occupation period as well, a different picture of Aung San should emerge. Such an analysis is also an important question in Japanese history: what effect did the Japan army have on Burma? The Arzani Beikman was an attempt by Aung San and the Burmese military under the influence of the Japanese military leadership to build a shrine in Rangoon modeled on Yasukuni Shrine. Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947, was buried in the Arzani Beikman in 1948. If this is interpreted as being buried in the “evil symbol” of Japan militarism transplanted to Burma, then Aung San and the Burmese military continued to be bound by Japan militarism. However, it is necessary to consider whether Aung San, who launched an uprising against Japan in 1945 under the banner of “anti-fascism, ” can be evaluated so simply. In this paper, I will contrast Aung San and Ba Maw and analyze their responses in depth. The first section of this paper examines the education of the Burmese people about the memorial and Yasukuni Shrine by the Japan military. Aung San and the Tatmadaw affirmed the construction of the facility and decided to refer not only to the dead of the anti-British movement but also to those who responded to the call to arms as arzani. Ba Maw, on the other hand, had set out to honor Burmese historical figures, but he integrated his activities with the recognition of the arzani. Section 2 reveals how Aung San and others continued to be interested in the construction of the Arzani Beikman in Rangoon, while Ba Maw emphasized the importance of honoring heroes in various regions after 1944. The two sides thus fought for control over how to honor the arzani. Section 3 shows that Aung San and others who led the uprising against Japan insisted on honoring the arzani even after the war. Eventually, however, Aung San began to change his perspective on the victims of the war, such as trying to commemorate all victims without distinguishing friend from foe. The second half of the section also addresses the era of U Nu, who buried the assassinated Aung San and others in the Arzani Beikman. In the end, it should be said that Aung San was indeed influenced by Yasukuni thought. This is something that has not hitherto been pointed out, but it is an important fact for understanding him and the Burmese military. However, Aung San was not completely imbued with this view, and it can be said that he began to break from it after 1946. Furthermore, Aung San's successor, U Nu, positioned the Arzani Beikman instead as a symbol of democracy. However, Ne Win later seems to have wanted to return to the wartime ethos and tried to redefine the Arzani Beikman as a symbol of heightened nationalism
General Aung San – the Father of Burma’s Independence
No full textThe author presents General Aung San (1915-1947) as a dedicated fighter for independence and through his complicated biography outlines the crucial period of Burma’s history: the end of the British colonial rule. The paper also presents the cultural differences that complicated Burmese-British relations.
It appears that Aung San’s nationalist spirit had been already shaped in his childhood. He became famous as a student leader during his education at Rangoon University in the 1930’s. In 1938 he had been elected the Secretary General of the most significant nationalist force: the Association We-Burmese (Do-Bama Asi-Ayone). On the one hand he was involved in lawful political activity, on the other he tried to acquire weapons by all possible means to start an armed struggle for independence. He created numerous political organizations of different political orientation (including the Communist Party of Burma). Eventually he arrived in Japan, where he received military training. In 1941, with the help of Japanese agents, he was able to create the Burma Independence Army in Thailand, which entered Burma together with the Japanese troops in 1942.
His co-operation with the Japanese forces was tortuous and painful, but he served as the Minister of War in their puppet Burmese Government. When it became obvious that the Allies will win, he established contacts with them and in August 1944 founded the Anti-Fascist Organisation. On March 27, 1945 he started an anti-Japanese uprising to help the British forces entering the country. At the end of the war his relations with the British authorities were very complex: the civil administration wanted to arrest him and bring him to justice as a war criminal, but the military commanders appreciated his help and wanted to collaborate with him and his Burmese forces. The second approach prevailed and in 1946 he headed the Burmese colonial government under the British Governor. In January 1947 he successfully negotiated Burma’s independence in London. The famous Panglong Agreement reached with the leaders of national minorities in February constituted another success of his. In April his party won the majority in the elections to the Constitutional Assembly and Aung San started his work on the constitution. In July, during feverish preparations for independence, he was assassinated together with six other members of the government. U Nu, his old friend and political successor completed his task of building up the independent state. The present military junta constitutes the first Burmese government, which does not respect General Aung San much owing to the prodemocratic activities of Aung San Suu Kyi, his daughter
A Political Biography of Aung San Suu Kyi
No full textThis book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi’s policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low – and so quickly – as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of `a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi’s agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country’s tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi’s behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi’s case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies
The moral democracy : the political thought of Aung San Suu Kyi
No full textThe dramatic fall from grace of Burma's human rights icon Aung San Suu Kyi shocked the world. Michał Lubina's magisterial account of Aung San Suu Kyi's political education demystifies the behavior in power of this otherwise enigmatic leader. This is the indispensable book for anyone who wants to understand the mind of one of the world's most controversial women. Prof. Salvatore Babones, University of Sydney Dr. Michał Lubina, known in Poland for portraying Aung San Suu Kyi not as a human rights activist, but as a realist politician in the very footsteps of her father, now comes out with his research to the international audience. Following the example of Mahbubani’s Can Asian Think? Lubina shows the intellectual and philosophical tradition of Myanmar through the case study of Suu Kyi’s political thought. It’s a unique undertaking that presents Suu Kyi from an unexpected angle: as a theoretician and political thinker or sage. Both the scope of research done and the material presented are very impressive and rather unique, even on international scene. Prof. Bogdan Góralczyk, University of Warsaw, Former Ambassador to Myanmar This book is a well-documented and well-constructed, multilayered, complex, analytical work based on very rich research, interviews with Suu Kyi and personal observations of the Author, who displays unquestioned analytical skills. As such the book represents a pioneer work in Burmese studies. Prof. Agnieszka Kuszewska, Jagiellonian University in Cracow None of the numerous books and articles that I have read about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi dissects her political thoughts and background as thoroughly as the book written by Dr. Michał Lubina. He shows the political construction of her character, her struggle, her idealism, her sources of inspiration and her weaknesses. It is a necessary publication to read in order to understand historical and contemporary policymaking in today’s Burma. Dr. Marion Sabrié, University of Rouen Normandy
A political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi : a hybrid politician
No full textThis book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi's policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low - and so quickly - as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of 'a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi's agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country's tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi's behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi's case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies
Informal Trade and Underground Economy in Myanmar : Costs and Benefits
No full textAt present, collecting and analyzing data from inside Myanmar remains notoriously difficult. There is, therefore, a non-Myanmar approach towards the majority of studies on Myanmar. This is especially the case when dealing with informal or illegal trade within the country’s territory. IRASEC and the Observatory on Illicit Trafficking wanted to fill this gap by giving the floor to Professor Winston Set Aung, the founder and the director of the Asia Development Research Institute, and director of the Asia Language and Business Academy in Myanmar. He is also an MBA lecturer at the Institute of Economics in Yangon and is involved in several international and regional research programs in partnership with various research institutes including the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand; Tokyo University, Japan; and the Institute for Security and Development Policy of Sweden, Stockholm Environmental Institute. The focus of Professor Winston Set Aung’s study is to provide a Myanmar-centric perspective on informal or illegal trade. The author offers an analysis regarding the process of informal exchanges through a pragmatic and non-contextualized critique. The causes of informal and illegal exchanges are identified and described without commenting on their origins. This intentional, measured, and calculated conservative perspective enables us to think on how to best use these flows in the current political situation in Myanmar. It seems therefore useful and relevant to make this data available to our readers
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