1,720,965 research outputs found
Vote Buying in Indonesia
Full text linkThis book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license. This book investigates the impact of vote buying on the accountability of democratic institutions and policy representation in newly democratic countries, with a focus on Indonesia. In doing so, the book presents a wide-ranging study of the dynamics of vote buying in Indonesia’s young democracy, exploring the nature, extent, determinants, targeting and effectiveness of this practice. It addresses these central issues in the context of comparative studies of vote buying, arguing that although party loyalists are disproportionately targeted in vote buying efforts, in total numbers —given the relatively small number of party loyalists in Indonesia— vote buying hits more uncommitted voters. It also demonstrates that the effectiveness of vote buying on vote choice is in the 10 percent range, which is sufficient for many candidates to secure a seat and thus explains why they still engage in vote buying despite high levels of leakage
Thinking Globally, Acting Locally: A Social Movement Theory Approach of The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Its Islamist Transnational Framing
Full text linkOver the last five years, there is evidence of an emerging
interest in the application of theories and approaches from
social movement perspectives to Islamic movements in a broad
sense. Such emerging research has mostly been undertaken in the
Middle East and North Africa, but not in Southeast Asia. By
applying the fundamentals of social movement theory i.e.,
political opportunity structure (POS), resource mobilisation
theory and collective action frames, I will examine the emergence
and the rise of the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in
Indonesian politics. PKS emerged from quiet conversations among
students in secular universities who subsequently transformed
their activism into a political movement. PKS attracted public
and scholarly attention since its success in increasing vote in
by six hundred percent, from 1.4 percent in 1999 to 7.3% in 2004.
I demonstrate that social movement approach can shed important
light on the dynamics of PKS. Results of this study suggest that
PKS: (1) emerged from an array of tumultuous social and political
conditions that gave rise a favourable political opportunity
structure; (2) took advantage of expanding political
opportunities by enhancing its resource mobilisation, including
its organisational structures, cadres and recruitment, financial
assets, and communication networks; and (3) consciously responded
to the significant increase in political opportunities and its
organisational capacities to mobilise supporters with shared
ideas, beliefs and values.
In addition, I argue that PKS cannot be seen as merely a
political party which only articulates its political agenda
within the framework of institutionalised politics, but it also
acts as a SMO, which vigorously engages in collective action. No
other party is so active in mobilising their supporters on the
streets. In this sub-thesis, I will examine the behaviour of PKS
by employing protest-event analysis, which is commonly used in
the tradition of social movement research. My study captured 225
PKS collective events as reported by Kompas, Republika, and the
results suggest that PKS' collective actions have been driven by
a strong sense of anti-Zionism and anti-Americanism as well as
support for the Palestine cause. This indicates PKS'
preoccupation with distant but religiously charged issues. It is
true that anti-Israeli and America sentiments are widespread in
Indonesian Muslim circles. Unlike PKS, however, other Muslim
organisations' anti Israeli and America stance does not manifest
in direct actions.
By using timing and sequence indicators, I found that during
election time in 1999 and 2004, the number of PKS’ predecessor,
PK and PKS collective actions declined significantly. Aside from
the increasing participation of PKS in election process, this
decrease of PKS actions at election time can be seen as a wish to
avoid alienating voters by appearing militantly Islamic
Buying Votes in Indonesia: Partisans, Personal Networks, and Winning Margins
Full text linkHow many voters sell their votes in Indonesia? My PhD research
starts with this question that has haunted scholars for the last
15 years. Using data from a nationally representative survey,
which included an experimental survey, my study demonstrates that
vote buying has become central to electoral mobilisation in
Indonesia. If we use the highest estimate, one out of three
Indonesians was personally exposed to vote buying in
Indonesia’s most recent national election, making the country
the site of the third-largest reported sum of exchange of money
for votes in the world, as indicated by voter surveys taken over
the last decade.
My nationwide survey and massive dataset of local election
surveys also show that, among other things, partisanship is a
significant predictor of vote buying. The closer the ties of a
voter to a political party, the more likely that voter is to
receive offers of vote buying (or to be accepting of the
practice). Puzzlingly, however, the number of partisan voters in
Indonesia is comparatively small. Only 15 percent of my national
survey respondents admitted being close to any political party
and this limited number of party loyalist are highly contested
among candidates from the same party in the context of
Indonesia’s open-list proportional systems.
When we connect partisanship and distributive politics, we arrive
at the centre of a lively scholarly debate that involves two
competing camps: the so-called core- versus swing-voter models.
The former says vote buying when parties or candidates try to
mobilise their core supporters, viewing the practice as being
above all about increasing turnout. The latter interprets vote
buying as an electoral strategy to sway uncommitted voters. What
types of voters do Indonesian politicians target?
At first glance, the data I collected from low-level candidates
and brokers provide more proof in support of the core-voter
strategy than in support of the swing-voter strategy. My in-depth
interviews with high-level politicians also reinforce the notion
that they prefer to target partisan voters in their vote buying
operations. Yet my voter surveys clearly showed that although in
relative terms such voters are more likely to be targeted, in
absolute numbers vote buying mostly happens among non-partisans.
How do we explain this combination of features —actors’
insistence that they are targeting partisan voters with the
reality that they are mostly providing cash and gifts to
non-partisans?
This study proposes an addition to the scholarly debate between
the core- versus swing-voter models by combining an emphasis on
the core-voter strategy and reliance on personal networks. It
argues that in Indonesia, candidates and brokers actually intend
to target partisan voters, but in reality they mostly distribute
benefits to voters who are politically rather indifferent, but
who are embedded in personal networks through which they are
connected to the candidate and their brokers. This study offers
the concept of ‘personal loyalist’ strategy, which targets
people identified through personal networks. While the personal
loyalist model still recognises the importance of partisan
voters, it highlights that candidates seek voters who are not
only loyal to the party, but who are also, or instead, loyal to
the individual candidate within that party. However, given that
partisan voters are not only limited in number but also highly
contested among competing co-partisan candidates in the context
of the open-list system, politicians seek to expand their
electoral base by making use of personal connections mediated by
non-party brokers.
Given their reliance on personal networks, most candidates and
brokers typically misidentify non-partisans as loyalists because
they misinterpret personal connections as partisan leanings. In
addition, many of the people who are identified through personal
networks mediated by brokers are in fact not even loyal to the
candidate. Indeed, some of the brokers are themselves not
particularly loyal. These two factors– confusion of personal
connections with loyalty, and agency loss– in combination
contribute to another element of vote buying in Indonesia which I
identify in this study: the provision of payments to large
numbers of uncommitted voters who receive benefits yet do not
reciprocate with their votes.
If vote buying is tremendously inefficient, how can vote buying
have an effect on electoral behaviour? Why do candidates still do
it? Utilising multiple data sources and various methods, I
provide strong empirical evidence that gifts of money ‘only’
influenced the vote choice of roughly 10 percent to 11 percent of
the total electorate. In these seemingly low numbers, however,
lie the key to understanding vote buying’s attractiveness.
Across Indonesia, the average margin of victory for successful
candidates in legislative elections when defeating their party
peers (i.e. candidates who were on the same party list) was only
1.65 percent. In this context of such highly competitive
elections, candidates therefore enthusiastically pursued vote
buying because they see that it can be critical for determining
electoral outcomes. By showing that vote buying helps generate
narrow but sufficient victory margins, my study explains how and
why vote buying is so prevalent in Indonesia
Dilema PKS: suara dan syariah
No full textBuku ini adalah tesis Burhanuddin Muhtadi di Australian National University, membahas fenomena PKS dari sudut pandang keilmuan, mulai dari asal-usulnya sebagai jamaah tarbiyah pada masa orde baru, pengaruh ideologis dari Ikhwanul Muslimin mesir, pendiriaan Partai Keadilan pada awal reformasi sampai dinamika internal antara berbagai aspirasi dalam PKS. Serta strategi PKS memperjuangkan agenda politik islamisnya di panggung politik Indonesia
Vote Buying in Indonesia
Full text linkThis book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license. This book investigates the impact of vote buying on the accountability of democratic institutions and policy representation in newly democratic countries, with a focus on Indonesia. In doing so, the book presents a wide-ranging study of the dynamics of vote buying in Indonesia’s young democracy, exploring the nature, extent, determinants, targeting and effectiveness of this practice. It addresses these central issues in the context of comparative studies of vote buying, arguing that although party loyalists are disproportionately targeted in vote buying efforts, in total numbers —given the relatively small number of party loyalists in Indonesia— vote buying hits more uncommitted voters. It also demonstrates that the effectiveness of vote buying on vote choice is in the 10 percent range, which is sufficient for many candidates to secure a seat and thus explains why they still engage in vote buying despite high levels of leakage
Populisme politik identitas dan dinamika elektoral: mengurai jalan panjang demokrasi prosedural
No full textBuku ini adalah percikan gagasan yang mengurai tiga pokok isu sentral dalam dinamika demokrasi prosedural di Indonesia yakni Politik Identitas, Politik Populisme, dan geliat politik elektoral.. Buku ini juga mendedah bagaimana dinamika elektoral yang terjadi di Indonesia sejak 2014 hingga saat ini. Secara mendalam namun ringan diulas pula koalisi transaksional dan kutukan sistem presidensial, rekonsolidasi politik Jokowi, Ideologi Partai, Oportunisme elit, dan perilaku pemilih serta, geliat prilaku partai dan episentrum korupsi di Indonesia
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
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