1,840 research outputs found
DISTRIBUSI PENDAPATAN DAN KEKAYAAN MENURUT PERSPEKTIF MUHAMMAD ABDUL MANNAN
Full text linkSkripsi yang berjudul “DISTRIBUSI PENDAPATAN DAN
KEKAYAAN MENURUT PERSPEKTIF M. ABDUL MANNAN”, ditulis
dengan latar belakang bahwa distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan merupakan
salah satu elemen terpenting dalam suatu sistem ekonomi, sebab penyelesaian
yang sangat adil dan wajar tergantung kesejahtraan dan kebahagiaan seluruh
masyarakat. Suatu masalah yang sangat besar yang dirasakan umat Islam saat ini
bila dihadapkan dengan sistem ekonomi kapitalis dan sosislis. Adapun rumusan
masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah Bagaimana Perspektif M Abdul Mannan
tentang pendapatan dan kekayaan.Bagaimana distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan
dalam mengurangi kesenjangan pendapatan dan kekayaan menurut M. Abd
Mannan dan Analisa pemikran M. Abd Mannan tentang distribusi pendapatan
dan kekayaan
Tujuan dari penulisan skripsi ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana
Perspektif M. Abdul Mannan tentang pendapatan dan kekayaan. Untuk
mengetahui distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan dalam mengurangi kesenjangn
pendapatan dan kekayaan menurut M. Abd Mannan. Untuk Menganalisa
pemikiran M Abdul Mannan tentang distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan dalam
Islam
Penelitian ini merupakan studi kepustakaan (library research) dimana data
dan sumber datanya diperoleh dari penelaahan terhadap literatur-literatur yang
sesuai dengan permasalahan. Dalam memperoleh data, penulis menggunakan data
primer dan data skunder. Data primer merupakan literature yang dikarang oleh
M. Abdul Mannan dalam bukunya Teori dan Praktek Ekonomi Islam (Islamic
economics, theory and practice). Adapun data sekunder yakni literatur-literatur
lain yang berhubungan dengan pembahasan yang akan dibahas.
Setelah penulis menelaah pemikiran Mannan ia mengemukakan bahwa
Mannan mengakui adannya empat faktor produksi yang merupakan sumber dari
pendapatan. Sumber-sumber pendapatan menurut M Abdul Mannan, antara lain:
ia mengakui upah, sewa dan laba namun ia mengktitik bunga atas modal. Dalam hal kekayaan Mannan menyatakan bahwa kekayaan atau kepemilikan absolut
terhadap segala sesuatu hanyalah pada Allah swt saja. Manusia dalam posisinya
sebagai khalifah di muka bumi bertugas untuk menggunakan semua sumberdaya
yang telah disediakan oleh-Nya untuk kebaikan dan kemaslahatannya.. Mannan
menegaskan bahwa distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan muncul karena pemilikan
orang pada faktor produksi. Dalam mengurangi kesenjangan pendapatan dan
kekayan dapat dilaksnakan pengaturan distribusinya dengan sejumlah paket
kebijakan operasional yang dilaksanakan dengan tindakan pengaturan wajib dan
sukarela yang Islami yang berisi dua delas rumusan. Analisa pemikiran M. Abdul
Mannan dalam distribusi pendapatan dan kekayaan memang benar-benar dapat
dijadikan alternatif dalam membangun suatu perekonomian yang sehat karena
dalam pemikiran nya telah diberikan batasan-batasan tertentu dalam
pendistribusian pendapatan dan kekayaan tesebut hal ini tebukti dengan larangan
bagi para majikan dalam pengisapan buruh, serta turut campurnya pemerintah
dalam penetapan upah, bila dilihat dari sejarahnya riba dan bunga sama Mannan
sangat menekankan penghapusan sistem bunga dalam sistem ekonomi Islam,
namun imbalan bagi modal yang digunakan istilah laba yang disejajarkan dengan
usaha manusia. Serta kebijakan nya dalam mengurangi kesenjangan pendapatan
dalam distribusi yaitu dengan Pengaturan wajib dan sukarela diantanya melalui
instrumen zakat serta pajak
al-Misbāh fī al-Nahw By Nāsir al-Dīn al-Mutarrizī al-Nahwī (d. 610/1213) A Critical Edition of the Text with the Life History of the Author
Full text linkNāsir al-Dīn al-Mutarrizī al-Nahwī (d.610/1213) was one of the most renowned figures in the field of Arabic Grammar. He has left an indelible mark on the world of Arabic language and literature. He is also known as the successor of al-Zamakhsharī.
He wrote a number of books but his al-Misbāh fī al-Nahw gained prominence at a level that no other book in this field could claim to achieve. For this reason, a great number of commentaries have been written in every age, of which the most famous are al-Daw and Khulāsat al-I‘rāb written by Tāj al-Dīn al-Isfrā’īnī and ‘Abd al- Karīm al-Tūsī (better known as Hājjī Bābā) respectively. Moreover, its translation into other languages also demonstrates its value as a useful book.
Although al-Misbāh has been edited on more than one occasion, the published editions do not fulfil the needs and requirements of modern academic research criteria. The basic aim of this thesis is to present this book with a current modern research style so that the students, teachers and ordinary readers of Arabic language and literature may benefit from this work.
This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the life history of the author and his other works. A brief note of the environment under which he grew up (generally referred to as the ‘Seljuk’ period) is also included in this part.
The second part consists of a text edition that deals with the derivation (Takhrīj) of syntactical issues together with the differing opinions of grammarians on syntactical/grammatical issues. This part also proffers the idiomatic English translation of al-Misbāh
A half-century of metal and metalloid-containing polymers
No full textAlaa S. Abd-El-Aziz ... [et al.]; Includes bibliographical references and indexes.; Editor, Alaa S. Abd-El-Aziz, is currently President of the University of Prince Edward Island.Source type: Electronic(1
Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria
No full textThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state
Production of mannan-degrading enzymes from Aspergillus niger and Sclerotium rolfsii using palm kernel cake as carbon source.
Full text linkThe aim of this study is to produce and profile the mannan-degrading enzymes from local fungal isolates by submerged fermentation and saccharification of PKC. Results showed that Aspergillus niger and Sclerotium rolfsii can produce mannan-degrading enzymes. The fungi were grown in submerged fermentation of PKC to produce mannan-degrading enzymes. The highest alpha-galactosidase was obtained on day 13 of fermentation (0.128 U mL-1) when using A. niger and on day 18 (0.126 U mL-1) when using S. rolfsii. Analysis also showed that enzyme activities for beta-mannanase using S. rolfsii were the highest at day 17 (3.166 U mL-1) and for A. niger (2.482 U mL-1) at day 8. Meanwhile the highest beta-mannosidase were obtained at day 16 for A. niger (0.128 U mL-1) and for S. rolfsii at day 16 (0.116 U mL-1)
The authenticity of the letter of ‘Abd Allâh b. Ibâḍ to ‘Abd al-Malik
No full textThe so-called first letter of Ibn Ibâḍ was long considered in modern scholarship as an authentic letter of ‘Abd Allâh b. Ibâḍ, the reputed founder of the Ibâḍiyya sect, to the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik. This was questioned first by John Wilkinson and then by Michael Cook in his book on Early Muslim Theology, who proposed that the letter was written rather by Jâbir b. Zayd to the Muhallabid amîr ‘Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab. In his recent book on Ibadism, John Wilkinson has argued that the letter was addressed to ‘Abd al-Malik, the son of the caliph ‘Umar II, and that Jâbir b. Zayd could not have been its author. It will be argued in this paper that the letter is an authentic letter of ‘Abd Allâh b. Ibâḍ addressed to the son of ‘Umar II. Ibn Ibâḍ was not the founder of the Ibâḍiyya sect, but rather a contemporary and rival of Abû ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abî Karîma.Le texte que l'on présente comme la première lettre d'Ibn Ibâḍ a longtemps été considéré par les études contemporaines comme une épître authentique de ‘Abd Allâh b. Ibâḍ, le supposé fondateur de la secte ibâḍite, au caliphe omeyyade ‘Abd al-Malik. Cette théorie a pourtant été remise en cause en premier lieu par John Wilkinson, puis par Michael Cook dans son ouvrage Early Muslim Dogma, où il proposait l'attribution de cette lettre à Jâbir b. Zayd, qui l'aurait adressée à l'émir muhallabid ‘Abd al-Malik b. al-Muhallab. Pour sa part, dans sa récente étude sur l'ibâḍisme, John Wilkinson a soutenu que cette lettre était adressée à ‘Abd al-Malik, le fils du calife ‘Umar II, et que Jâbir b. Zayd n'en est peut-être pas l'auteur. Dans cet article, nous entendons démontrer que ce document est bel et bien une lettre authentique de ‘Abd Allâh b. Ibâḍ, adressée au fils de ‘Umar II. Toutefois, cet Ibn Ibâḍ n'est sans doute pas le fondateur de la secte ibâḍite, mais plutôt un contemporain et un rival d'Abû ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abî Karîma
ISLAM DAN NEGARA
Full text linkHubungan agama dan negara telah menjadi faktor kunci dalam sejarah peradaban umat manusia. Hubungan antara keduanya telah melahirkan kemajuan besar dan menimbulkan malapetaka besar. Tidak ada bedanya, baik ketika negara ber-tahta di atas agama pra abad pertengahan, ketika negara di bawah agama di abad pertengahan atau ketika negara terpisah dari agama setelah abad pertengahan, atau di abad modern sekarang ini. Secara garis besar para sosiolog teoretisi politik Islam me-rumuskan teori-teori tentang hubungan agama dan negara serta membedakannya menjadi tiga paradigma yaitu paradigma integralistik, paradigma simbiotik, dan paradigma sekularistik. Pada era kontemporer, pandangan para pemikir politik Islam mengenai pemerintahan, paling tidak mengerucut ke dalam tiga kelompok, yaitu kelompok konservatif yang menolak sistem politik barat, kelompok modernis yang menerima secara selektif atau dengan penyesuaian tertentu, dan kelompok sekuler yang menerima dengan sepenuhnya
Interview with Abd al-Azim Ramadan
No full textهذة المقابة مع الكاتب المؤرخ عبد العظيم رمضان، يتحدث عن التاريخ، الفرق بين التاريخ المعاصر عن الأنواع الأخرى. أجرت المقابلة درية شرف الدينIn this interview, Egyptian historian author Abd al-Azim Ramadan speaks about modern history and its types. The interview was conducted by Dorreya Sharaf al-Din
Interview with Ahmed Abd al-Wahab
No full textهذة المقابلة مع أحمد عبد الوهاب السيناريست و الكاتب المصري، يتحدث عن كتاباته الفائزة في السينما. كما يشير إلى هواياتة وأعماله. أجرت المقابلة درية شرف الدين.In this interview, Egyptian author and screenwriter, Ahmed Abd al-Wahab speaks about his work. The interview was conducted by Dorreya Sharaf al-Din
Thoughts on the Poetry of the Contemporary Bahraini Poet ‘Alī ‘Abd Allāh Ḫalīfa
No full text‘Alī ‘Abd Allāh Ḫalīfa is one of the most eminent of contemporary poets in Bahrain. This small Gulf state has become the homeland for many excellent poets including Ṭarafa Ibn al-‘Abd-the author of the longest mu‘allaqa in pre-Islamic poetry. Other names worthy of note are Al-Mutalammis and Al-Muraqqaš al-Aṣġar.Maciej Klimiu
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