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Mahathir, kami bersamamu
No full textBuku Mahathir, Kami Bersamamu menghimpunkan sajak-sajak yang digarap dalam tempuh hampir dua dekad atau 20 tahun lamanya (1998-2018). Seingat saya, sajak ‘Lelaki yang Berdiri’ dan ‘Kepada Teknokrat Berani’ merupakan saja-sajak yang terawal saya cipta. Isinya - apresiasi dan kekaguman saya terhadap seorang pemimpin negara yang ulung ini, Mahathir.Dengan sejumlah 40 buah sajak, buku ini tentunya mustahil untuk menyeluruhi sumbangan dan jasa beliau yang sangat besar. Di bawah kepemimpinan Mahathir selama 22 tahun sebagai Perdana Menteri Malaysia yang ke-4, pencapaian ekonomi, perubahan sosial, pertumbuhan prasarana, kemajuan dalam bidang teknologi tinggi, perpaduan bangsa, dan keampuhan semangat nasionalisme serta patriotisme dalam kalangan rakyat tidak dapat disangkalkan lagi.Perjuangan ini tidak diraih hasilnya dengan mudah, dalam sekelip mata. Sudah tentu sangat banyak onak dan ranjau yang Mahathir harungi. Sajak ‘Akankah Mereka ke Sana’ merupakan salah satu pertanyaan saya. Di sini, saya melihat kecekalan dan kegigihannya yang amat luar biasa dalam menyatupadukan segenap lapisan rakyat. Era dan zaman pemerintahan Mahathir sangat menguji, demikian iklim perubahan yang berlaku di seluruh dunia menuntut beliau pantas menyesuaikannya dengan situasi dalam negara
Cronyism and Capital Controls: Evidence from Malaysia
Get PDFThe initial impact of the Asian financial crisis in Malaysia reduced the expected value of government subsidies to politically favored firms. Of the estimated 5 billion gain in market value for Mahathir-connected firms during September 1998, approximately 32% was due to the increase in the value of their connections. The evidence suggests Malaysian capital controls provided a screen behind which favored firms could be supported.
Pendidikan Kesehatan Dalam Keperawatan
Get PDFBuku ini merupakan buku yang digunakan untuk mata kuliah pendidikan kesehatan dalam keperawata
Interview with Mahathir bin Mohamad: Commonwealth Oral History Project
Get PDFInterview with Mahathir bin Mohamad, conducted 12th May 2014 in Putrajaya as part of the Commonwealth Oral History Project. The project aims to produce a unique digital research resource on the oral history of the Commonwealth since 1965 through sixty oral history interviews with leading figures in the recent history of the organisation. It will provide an essential research tool for anyone investigating the history of the Commonwealth and will serve to promote interest in and understanding of the organisation. Biography: bin Mohamad, Mahathir. 1925- . Born in Alor Setar, British Malaya (now Malaysia). Graduated from the University of Malaya, 1947. Practiced as a medical doctor before entering politics with the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in the 1950s. Elected to Parliament in 1964 elections. Appointed as a Senator in 1973. Minister for Education, 1974-77. Minister of Trade and Industry, 1978-81. 4th Prime Minister of Malaysia, 1981-2003, also acting as: Minister of Defence, 1981-86; Minister of Home Affairs, 1986-99; Minister of Finance, 1998-99, 2001-03. Secretary General of the Non-Aligned Movement, 2003
Politik Kebijakan Islamisasi Mahathir
Get PDFMahathir leadership era has been marked by his larger and substantive interest to carry Islam on the goverment policy and various programs. It is said that Islamization policy which Mahathir speed up basically does not only spring from goverment intrinsic impetus to promote Islam, but also external political pressures. This article discusses the mount of Islamization policy in Malaysia, especially in Mahathir era; and poins out the conditions that underly his polic
Malaysia’s relations with Saudi Arabia under Tun Dr. Mahathir era, 1981-2003
Get PDFMalaysia’s early formal relation with Saudi Arabia begun since the late Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra al-Haj era (the first Malaysian Premier, 1957-1970) until present. During the reign of Tun Dr. Mahathir, the fourth Malaysian Premier, the relation has changed dynamically. Several initiatives have been taken by the Tun Dr. Mahathir regime to shift the pattern of relations from one to two way communication. Apart from successfully securing economic opportunities from the kingdom, this study attempts to relate the significance of the relations to the Tun Dr. Mahathir regime with its efforts to portray religious commitment, both at domestic and international level. The promotion of Islam by Malaysian leaders, both at home, and at the international level, is vital for the continuation of their political survival. Equipped with more liberal-pragmatic Islamic approach has, to some extent, prolonged the survival of the Tun Dr. Mahathir’s political regime interests
MALAYSIA AND MAHATHIR IN THE GLOBAL CHALLENGE
Get PDFThe aim of this study is to analyze Mahathir’s policy through a historical approach to the political developments and challenges in Malaysia. In addition, the author uses secondary data in order to collect several resources related to the topic. The comeback of Mahathir Mohammad, the Father of Malaysian modernization, in the Malaysian 14th general election after leaving the political stage for more than a decade draws many global eyes. As the great critics of the corruption and downturn of Malaysian economic conditions, he decided to run in Malaysia once again. During his previous administration, his mega-project named Pembangunan Putra Jaya and his famous foreign policy “Look East Policy” became a part of his identity. The “Look East Policy” was developed in order to increase domestic economic growth and because Malaysia needed to learn and adopt cultural features from Japan and Korea, such as discipline and hard work. Through this policy, Malaysia began cooperating with East countries (Japan and Korea). In addition, Mahathir had been opposing Western values and deemed them incompatible with Asia. The West considers Mahathir to be an obstacle in uniting Western and Asian countries following the emergence of Asian values since the 1990s. Overall, this study suggests that Mahathir is only focused on his country’s national interest and sovereignty and maintaining Malaysia’s international standing.Bahasa Indonesia Abstract: Tujuan paper ini adalah untuk menganalisis kebijakan Mahathir melalui perspektif sejarah terhadap perkembangan politik dan tantangan di Malaysia. Selain itu, Penulis menggunakan data sekunder untuk mengumpulkan berbagai literatur terkait dengan topik tersebut. Kembalinya Mahathir Muhammad, Bapak Modernisasi Malaysia, dalam Pemilihan Umum ke-14 setelah meninggalkan panggung politik lebih dari satu dekade telah menarik perhatian masyarakat global. Sebagai kritikus pada korupsi dan kemunduran ekonomi Malaysia, dia memutuskan untuk maju dalam pemilihan umum sekali lagi. Selama pemerintahan sebelumnya, Mahathir dengan proyek megah yaitu Pembangunan Putra Jaya dan kebijakan luar negerinya, terkenal dengan “Look East Policy” menjadi bagian dari identitasnya. Kebijakan “Look East Policy” dikembangkan untuk meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi domestik dan karena Malaysia perlu belajar dan mengadopsi budaya dari Jepang dan Korea, seperti kedisiplinan dan kerja keras. Melalui Kebijakan tersebut, Malaysia telah melakukan kerjasama dengan negara Timur (Jepang dan Korea). Selain itu, Mahathir menolak penerapan nilai-nilai Barat dan menganggap bahwa nilai Barat tidak sesuai dengan Asia. Negara-negara Barat menganggap Mahathir sebagai penghalang persatuan negara Barat dengan negara Asia sejak berkembangnya paham “Asian Values” pada tahun 1990an. Secara Keseluruhan, paper ini berpendapat bahwa Mahathir hanya fokus kepada kepentingan dan kedaulatan negaranya dan menjaga eksistensi Malaysia di dunia internasional.
UMNO factionalism and the politics of Malaysian national identity
Get PDFThis thesis analyses UMNO factionalism from the perspective of the elite's manipulation of the various modes of nationalisms. This thesis argues that UMNO factionalism, which is seemingly a power struggle between competing UMNO elites, has been significantly shaped by contesting nationalist ideologies that reflect the unresolved questions of national identity in Malaysia.
These two issues, that is, nationalism and UMNO factionalism, have shaped Malaysian politics in significant ways. UMNO factionalism has been related to such major political events as the 1969 ethnic riots, the introduction of the New Economic Policy, the UMNO split in 1987 and the Reformasi (Reform) movement in 1998. Frequently, the impact of these disputes extended beyond UMNO politics and affected wider Malaysian politics. At the same time, due to unresolved questions of national identity, nationalism has occupied a central position in Malaysian political discourse. There are ambiguities regarding the relationships among the various ethnic identities and national identity and between the individual and the larger Malaysian community that enable elites to construct and manipulate nationalist ideologies. In this thesis, the conflicting nationalisms are captured by five different concepts of nationalism - ethnocultural, civic and multicultural nationalisms in one group and collectivist-authoritarian and individualistic-libertarian nationalisms in another.
The Malaysian Prime Ministers have constructed nationalist ideology to define the Malaysian nation in their attempts to resolve the unresolved problems of national identity. The challengers' arguments, to mobilise the community, mirror the community's (negative) responses to the Malaysian Prime Ministers' nationalist visions. In addition, the ideological arguments in the disputes extend the dispute beyond the elites, involving the community as well. Furthermore, because of the ideological conflicts, these factional disputes affect the direction of government policies in significant ways. This study shows that UMNO factional disputes have followed this pattern of ideological conflicts, although the exact contents may vary.
The 1969 factional dispute was a clash between Tunku Abdul Rahman's shift towards multicultural nationalism and its challengers' ethnocultural nationalism. Tunku Abdul Rahman's nationalist vision moved away from ethnocultural nationalism in pursuit of national integration. The challengers, reflecting the Malay community's response to the Prime Minister's vision, took a strong ethnocultural Malay nationalist stance. The successful mobilisation of the Malay community by ethnocultural Malay nationalists contributed to the policy shift towards ethnocultural nationalism in the 1970s. In the 1987 dispute, Mahathir's economic policy, which moved away from ethnocultural nationalism, was challenged by Razaleigh's ethnocultural nationalist argument. After the dispute, Mahathir could only mobilise the community by tactically employing the rhetoric of ethnocultural Malay nationalism.
In the 1990s, Mahathir's attempt to define the national identity of Malaysia by constructing a civic Malaysian nation, Bangsa Malaysia, relieved the tension surrounding the ambiguous national identity of Malaysia. It was facilitated by rapid economic growth that ameliorated ethnic contests over limited economic resources. However, the collectivist-authoritarian aspect of Mahathir's nationalism raised another nationalist question concerning the subordination of individual liberty and rights to the collective community's will and interests - a nationalism that justified his authoritarian rule. There was tension between an increasingly confident civic Malaysian society and Mahathir's collectivist-authoritarian control of the society. The 1998 UMNO dispute was a clash between Mahathir's collectivist-authoritarian nationalism and Anwar Ibrahim's individualistic-libertarian nationalism. The latter attempted to mobilise Malaysian society with his nationalist position (the Reformasi movement) which was expressed in the demand for liberal political reform. After the dispute, Mahathir was able to regain lost political ground through the politics of fear. It seems, however, that the fundamental question remains unresolved. This unresolved tension between the demand for individual liberty and rights and authoritarian control by state elites is likely to shape the ideological arguments in future UMNO factional disputes
Menanti magis Dr. Mahathir
Get PDFMAHATHIR Mohamad, satu nama yang tidak perlu diperkenalkan lagi. Jasa beliau terhadap Malaysia cukup besar sekali. Mengambil kira jasa beliau yang tidak terhingga itu, sebuah institusi pemikiran yang dikenali sebagai Institut Pemikiran Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (IPDM) telah ditubuhkan di Universiti Utara
Malaysia (UUM)
Biografi politik Mahathir bin Mohammad
No full textDalam penulisan skripsi ini penulis mengangkat seorang tokoh politik Malaysia ?Mahathir Mohammad? Perdana Menteri sejak tahun 1981 hingga tahun 2003. Penulis mencoba menggali ide-ide politik Mahathir dalam upaya membangun puak Melayu ke arah yang lebih baik melalui karir politiknya. Penulis menggunakan pendekatan sejarah politik yang memberikan perhatian dan sejarah politik tokoh atau orang-orang besar sebagai salah satu faktor penentu sejarah, yang didalamnya dipengaruhi kondisi struktural yang membatasi gerak tokoh tersebut dalam kenyataan historis kehidupan nyata. Dalam studi ini penulis menggunakan metode deskriptif analisis historis, dengan metode pengumpulan data library research. Dalam penulisan ini penulis menemukan bahwa Mahathir adalah tokoh Malaysia yang dapat membawa negara tersebut kearah yang lebih maju setelah terjadinya konflik etnis di awal-awal kemerdekaan. Disamping itu Mahathir secara serius juga menerapkan nilai-nilai Islam dalam kebijakan-kebijakan politikny
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