2,670 research outputs found
Des nach der seligen Ewigkeit reisenden Christen treuer Geleitsmann
No full text> christlichen Pilgers Christenthums- und Pilgrims-Pflichten> christlichen Pilgers Gebet-Andacht und gen Himmel geschickte Hertzens-Seufzer> christlichen Pilgers Aufmunterung und Weg-VerkuerzungKurze Gebeter und SeufzerGeistlicher Raht für Kranke und SterbendeJohann Rudolf Ziegler ... ; mit einer Vorrede von Herrn Justus Hartmann Lucanus ...Titelvignett
Des nach der seligen Ewigkeit reisenden Christen treuer Geleitsmann
No full textnach der zum dritten Mahl verbesserten, in eignem Verlag durch den Druk mitgetheilten Ausgab von weiland Joh. Rudolf Ziegler ... ; mit einer Vorrede von Herrn Justus Hartmann Lucanu
Burgerliche Wohnungs Baw-Kunst, Oder: Gründlicher Bericht, Wie auff einem vorgegebenem Platz, ein wolgestelltes Wohn-hauss, neben dessen Losamentern, die Schälung des Kreutzgewölbten Kellers, Stiegen, Schnecken, ... mögen gebawet werden : Zu dessen mehrerem Verstand aber ist alles sehr getrewlich auff achtzehen gar gerechte und nutzliche Kupffer-stück gerissen : Allen Liebhabern der Burgerlichen Gebäwen, auch Steinmetzen, Stein-hawern, Maurern, Zimmer-leuthen und Schnecken-machern, Sonderlich Den jungen angehenden Meistern ... sehr dienlich
No full textDurch Daniel Hartmann, Zimmer-werckmeister in Basel. Auss eigener Erfahrung wolmeinend an Tag gegebenMit bisher nicht identifizierter Druckermarke/Verlegermarke (Motiv: Palme, darunter Schlangen u. Nagetiere, auf Münsterplatz in Basel); die Ausgabe von 1673 wurde bei Johann Rudolf Genath gedruckt (cf. auch VD17 39:151268R, das von Genath gedruckt u. von Richter verlegt wurde)Mit Vortitel- u. KupfertitelblattGestochener Vortitel (Kupfertitel): "Burgerliche Bawkunst ... durch Daniel Harttmann, Zimmerwerckmeistern in Basel, an tag gegebe[n] und Von Johann Philip Richter Buchhändlern verlegt 1688"Daniel Hartmann war ein aus Colmar stammender Zimmermeister, der u.a. auch an der Kirche in Wintersingen mitwirkteAuf Titelblatt durchgestrichener Stempel: "Offentliche KUNSTSAMMLUNG BASEL" 16.03.2017/A100/HP
Berner Oberland in Sage und Geschichte
No full text1 Sagen2 > grosse Landbuchnach schriftlichen und mündlichen Quellen ges. und bearb. von Hermann Hartmann ; Ill. von R. Münger ... [et.al.] ; Oberländischer Verkehrsverein ... [et al.
Siegler: Konstanz, Bischof Eberhard; Siegler: Kiburg, Grafen Hartmann der Ältere und Hartmann der Jüngere; Rudolf von Tann-Bolwilere u.A. an Kiburg, Grafen Hartmann der Ältere und Hartmann der Jüngere - 12.4.1250
No full textPerg: vergilbt u. leicht fleckig; keine Liniierung zu erkennen. Z. 13: er-Kürzel über 2. t von poterit durch Rasur getilgt. Z. 4 v. unten: in possit Perg. zerfressen, dgl. in plena in der Z. darunter (Tintenfraß?).an abwechselnd ehemals wohl roten, jetzt bräunlichen sowie naturfarbenen Seidenschnüren braune, teilweise hell-marmorierte Wachssgl.: 1. des Bischofs Eberhard von Konstanz, am Rand leicht beschädigt; 2. des Grafen Hartmann des Ält., am Rand leicht beschädigt, rückseitig entlang den Schnüren verstärkt; 3. des Grafen Hartmann d. J., Rand leicht beschädigt, auf der Rs. rechts zwei Einritzungen; 4. des Rudolf von Tann-Bolwilere, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte]; 5. des Kuno von Kramburg, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte]; 6. des Kuno von Rüti, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte], 7. des Johannes Senn von Münsingen, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte], 8. des Werner von Affoltern, Wulst meist abgebrochen, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte]; 9. des Burkhard von Bremgarten, am Rand leicht bestoßen, Leg.: [siehe Karteikarte]; 10. für ein weiteres Sgl. engstehende Eisntiche im Perg., wohl für den Schiedsmann Kuno von Jegistorf, ab und verloren. Streit zwischen den Grafen Hartmann IV. und Hartmann V. von Kiburg einer- und Rudolf von Tanne um Besitz in Thun sowie Hälfte der Burg Thun; sechs Schiedsrichter: von Seiten der Grafen: Edelherr C. de Cramburch, Werner de Alfoltre, Ritter Johannes dictus Senno, von Seiten Rudolfs von Tanne: C. de Ruti, B. de Bremgarten, C. de Jegistorf. Siegelankündigung: Bischof von Konstanz, die beiden Parteien, also die beiden Grafen von Kirburg und R. von Tanne sowie die sechs Schiedsrichter, so daß eigentlich zehn Siegel an der Urkunde befestigt sein müßten. Siegel des Bischofs und der beiden Grafen erkennbar, die Legenden der weiteren sechs Siegel nicht lesbar. - Archivsignatur:Fach Thun 1250 April 12.{'name': 'DFG', 'uri': 'dfg.png'
Rudolf Otto filosofo della religione
No full textLo straordinario successo del Sacro (1917), che ha reso celebre Rudolf Otto, ha provocato, per contraccolpo, la diffusione di una figura stilizzata dell’autore, impoverita dall’oblio toccato al resto della sua produzione e da letture parziali e semplificative. Una ricostruzione genetica del modo in cui Otto impone la nozione di «heilig» nel lessico tedesco specializzato, muovendo da Lutero e opponendo al neokantismo una lettura friesiana del trascendentale, fa emergere la qualità filosofica di una teoria del religioso che rivela convergenze insospettate con la fenomenologia husserliana. The extraordinary success of The Holy (1917) made Rudolf Otto famous, but it also contributed to propagate a simplified figure of the author. The rest of his work was condemned to oblivion, which caused misleading interpretations of The Holy itself. A genetic reconstruction of the way in which Otto established the term «heilig» in the technical German proves to be fruitful. When considering his interpretation of Luther and his Fries-based opposition to a neoKantian approach to the concept of «transcendental», the philosophical relevance of Otto’s theory of religion can be fully recognized, as well as unsuspected links to Husserlian phenomenology
Babylonian presentations in world chronicles by Rudolf von Ems and Hartmann Schedel
No full textThis article tries to give an insight into how medieval and early modern chronicles such as Rudolf's Weltchronik and Hartmann Schedel's Liber chronicarum capture the polysemantic topic of Babylon for their recipients. It shows that the focus lies on the description of the historic metropolis, the narration of the tower of Babel and the Babylonian exile. In some ways their modes of information transfer differ from one another. On the one hand, Schedel has a lot more to offer in terms of paratextual preparation, which put Babylon to the forefront effectively. On the other hand Rudolf separates narratives from the time of Babel onward, which means a crucial point for the structure of the text. As Schedel sets the Babylonian exile as a turning point on the macrostructure of history, Rudolf prefers to honor King David's historical impact instead. While the plot of both works is much the same, the presentations of Babylon show some shifts in comparison for the medieval recipients.This article tries to give an insight into how medieval and early modern chronicles such as Rudolf's Weltchronik and Hartmann Schedel's Liber chronicarum capture the polysemantic topic of Babylon for their recipients. It shows that the focus lies on the description of the historic metropolis, the narration of the tower of Babel and the Babylonian exile. In some ways their modes of information transfer differ from one another. On the one hand, Schedel has a lot more to offer in terms of paratextual preparation, which put Babylon to the forefront effectively. On the other hand Rudolf separates narratives from the time of Babel onward, which means a crucial point for the structure of the text. As Schedel sets the Babylonian exile as a turning point on the macrostructure of history, Rudolf prefers to honor King David's historical impact instead. While the plot of both works is much the same, the presentations of Babylon show some shifts in comparison for the medieval recipients.This article tries to give an insight into how medieval and early modern chronicles such as Rudolf's Weltchronik and Hartmann Schedel's Liber chronicarum capture the polysemantic topic of Babylon for their recipients. It shows that the focus lies on the description of the historic metropolis, the narration of the tower of Babel and the Babylonian exile. In some ways their modes of information transfer differ from one another. On the one hand, Schedel has a lot more to offer in terms of paratextual preparation, which put Babylon to the forefront effectively. On the other hand Rudolf separates narratives from the time of Babel onward, which means a crucial point for the structure of the text. As Schedel sets the Babylonian exile as a turning point on the macrostructure of history, Rudolf prefers to honor King David's historical impact instead. While the plot of both works is much the same, the presentations of Babylon show some shifts in comparison for the medieval recipients
Die geographische und familiäre Herkunft der Ordensgebietiger Konrad von Kyburg und Rudolf von Kyburg
No full textThe geographical and familial origins of the Teutonic Order’s officials Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg
The researchers of the Teutonic Order have placed the brethren Konrad (before 1336 – 12. April 1402) and Rudolf (before 1337–1404) von Kyburg in the north-eastern part of present-day Switzerland – either in the castle of Kyburg near Winterthur in the eastern Canton of Zurich, or in the Canton of Turgovia, lying in the East of Canton Zurich and to the South of Lake Bodensee. Their family lost those areas by 1265, after a sudden death of Hartmann V von Kyburg (1263) and the childless death of his uncle, Hartmann IV (1264). The only successor, the minor daughter of Hartmann V, Anna von Kyburg, was not able to keep her inheritance, which was quickly taken by her nephew Rudolf IV von Habsburg, latter known as German King Rudolf I. He arranged a marriage between Anna and his relative, Eberhard von Habsburg-Laufenburg, leaving them only Burgdorf and Thun in the nowadays Canton Berne. Their son, Hartmann, had taken the name of the maternal dynasty, calling himself since 1297 Hartmann I von Kyburg. His son, Eberhard II von Kyburg, succeeded him. He was the father of eleven children with Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg among them. Despite their name, they came from Burgdorf and had joined the Teutonic Order because the poor parents could not guarantee them a subsistence. The carreer of Konrad von Kyburg started in the late 1380s. In 1392 he was promoted to the Comtur of Balga and from 1396–1402 had even reached the high rank of the Great Hospitaller. The carrier of his younger brother, Rudolf, was less impressive for he became 1391–1402 the Comtur of Rehden.The geographical and familial origins of the Teutonic Order’s officials Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg
The researchers of the Teutonic Order have placed the brethren Konrad (before 1336 – 12. April 1402) and Rudolf (before 1337–1404) von Kyburg in the north-eastern part of present-day Switzerland – either in the castle of Kyburg near Winterthur in the eastern Canton of Zurich, or in the Canton of Turgovia, lying in the East of Canton Zurich and to the South of Lake Bodensee. Their family lost those areas by 1265, after a sudden death of Hartmann V von Kyburg (1263) and the childless death of his uncle, Hartmann IV (1264). The only successor, the minor daughter of Hartmann V, Anna von Kyburg, was not able to keep her inheritance, which was quickly taken by her nephew Rudolf IV von Habsburg, latter known as German King Rudolf I. He arranged a marriage between Anna and his relative, Eberhard von Habsburg-Laufenburg, leaving them only Burgdorf and Thun in the nowadays Canton Berne. Their son, Hartmann, had taken the name of the maternal dynasty, calling himself since 1297 Hartmann I von Kyburg. His son, Eberhard II von Kyburg, succeeded him. He was the father of eleven children with Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg among them. Despite their name, they came from Burgdorf and had joined the Teutonic Order because the poor parents could not guarantee them a subsistence. The carreer of Konrad von Kyburg started in the late 1380s. In 1392 he was promoted to the Comtur of Balga and from 1396–1402 had even reached the high rank of the Great Hospitaller. The carrier of his younger brother, Rudolf, was less impressive for he became 1391–1402 the Comtur of Rehden.The geographical and familial origins of the Teutonic Order’s officials Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg
The researchers of the Teutonic Order have placed the brethren Konrad (before 1336 – 12. April 1402) and Rudolf (before 1337–1404) von Kyburg in the north-eastern part of present-day Switzerland – either in the castle of Kyburg near Winterthur in the eastern Canton of Zurich, or in the Canton of Turgovia, lying in the East of Canton Zurich and to the South of Lake Bodensee. Their family lost those areas by 1265, after a sudden death of Hartmann V von Kyburg (1263) and the childless death of his uncle, Hartmann IV (1264). The only successor, the minor daughter of Hartmann V, Anna von Kyburg, was not able to keep her inheritance, which was quickly taken by her nephew Rudolf IV von Habsburg, latter known as German King Rudolf I. He arranged a marriage between Anna and his relative, Eberhard von Habsburg-Laufenburg, leaving them only Burgdorf and Thun in the nowadays Canton Berne. Their son, Hartmann, had taken the name of the maternal dynasty, calling himself since 1297 Hartmann I von Kyburg. His son, Eberhard II von Kyburg, succeeded him. He was the father of eleven children with Konrad von Kyburg and Rudolf von Kyburg among them. Despite their name, they came from Burgdorf and had joined the Teutonic Order because the poor parents could not guarantee them a subsistence. The carreer of Konrad von Kyburg started in the late 1380s. In 1392 he was promoted to the Comtur of Balga and from 1396–1402 had even reached the high rank of the Great Hospitaller. The carrier of his younger brother, Rudolf, was less impressive for he became 1391–1402 the Comtur of Rehden
H............n
No full textPorträt eine Mannes namens Hartmann[Schellenberg sc.]Zuschreibung an Johann Rudolf Schellenberg gemäss handschriftlicher Notiz auf dem BlattBlatt im Umschlag mit der Bezeichnung "Brun Nr. 34 Aus: Lavater, J.C. Physiognom. Fragmente. 1775-78. (24 BLL.)"In Lavaters "Physiognomischen Fragmenten" ist "H............n" zu "Hartmann" ergänz
Das Eremitentum im Gregorius von Hartmann von Aue, im Parzival von Wolfram von Eschenbach und im Barlaam und Josaphat von Rudolf von Ems
No full textIn der vorliegenden Arbeit wird das Eremitentum im Gregorius von Hartmann von Aue, im Parzival von Wolfram von Eschenbach und im Barlaam und Josaphat von Rudolf von Ems verglichen. Dabei wird genau auf den Abschnitt des Lebens der Protagonisten eingegangen, in dem sie sich der Selbstkasteiung und Selbstfindung hingeben
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