308 research outputs found
In religion’s name: abuses against religious minorities in Indonesia
No full textOn February 6, 2011, in Cikeusik, a village in western Java, around 1,500 Islamist militants attacked two dozen members of the Ahmadiyah religious community with stones, sticks, and machetes. The mob shouted, “You are infidels! You are heretics!” As captured on video, local police were present at the scene but many left when the crowd began descending on the Ahmadiyah house. By the time the attack was over, three Ahmadiyah men had been bludgeoned to death.
Ahmad Masihuddin, a 25-year-old Ahmadiyah student, recalled, “They held my hands and cut my belt with a machete. They cut my shirt, pants, and undershirt. I was only in my underwear. They took 2.5 million rupiah (US$270) and my Blackberry [cell phone]. They tried to take off my underwear and cut my penis. I was laying in the fetal position. I tried to protect my face, but my left eye was stabbed. Then I heard them say, ‘He is dead, he is dead.’”
While the Cikeusik attack was particularly gruesome, it is part of a growing trend of religious intolerance and violence in Indonesia. Targets have included Ahmadis (the Ahmadiyah), Baha’is, Christians, and Shias, among others. There have also been cases of Christians in Christian-majority areas preventing Sunni Muslim mosques from being built. Affected individuals have ranged from people with permits to build houses of worship to those seeking to have their actual religion listed on their ID cards, to children bullied by teachers and other pupils at school.
In important respects, Indonesia is rightly touted for its religious diversity and tolerance. Since President Suharto was forced to step down in 1998, after more than three decades in power, inaugurating an era of greater freedom in Indonesia, viewpoints long repressed have emerged into the open. A strong thread of religious militancy is among them. As detailed in this report, the government has not responded decisively when that intolerance is expressed through acts of harassment, intimidation, and violence, which often affect freedom of expression and association, creating a climate in which more such attacks can be expected.
According to the Jakarta-based Setara Institute, which monitors religious freedom in Indonesia, there were 216 cases of violent attacks on religious minorities in 2010, 244 cases in 2011, and 264 cases in 2012. The Wahid Institute, another Jakarta-based monitoring group, documented 92 violations of religious freedom and 184 incidents of religious intolerance in 2011, up from 64 violations and 134 incidents of intolerance in 2010.
In researching this report, Human Rights Watch interviewed 16 members of religious minorities who had been physically assaulted by Islamist militants in seven separate incidents−four of them sustaining serious injuries. Twenty-two others had their houses of worship or own houses burned down in six separate incidents. We also summarize here many more incidents reported in the press or documented by other investigators. In addition to intimidation and physical assaults, houses of worship have been closed, construction of new worship facilities halted, and adherents of minority faiths subjected to arbitrary arrest on blasphemy and other charges.
In most cases, the perpetrators of the intimidation and violence have been Sunni militant groups − described throughout this report as Islamist groups − at times acting with the tacit, or occasionally open, support of government officials and police. Groups that have participated in or supported the targeting of minority religions include: the Islamic People’s Forum (Forum Umat Islam, FUI), the Indonesian Muslim Communication Forum (Forum Komunikasi Muslim Indonesia, known as Forkami), the Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI), Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia, and the Islamic Reformist Movement (Gerakan Islam Reformis, Garis). These groups are united by their espousal of an interpretation of Sunni Islam that labels non-Muslims, excluding Christians and Jews, as “infidels,” and labels Muslims who do not adhere to what they define as Sunni orthodoxy as “blasphemers.”
The harassment and violence directed at minority religious groups is facilitated by a legal architecture in Indonesia that purports to maintain “religious harmony,” but in practice undermines religious freedom. Indonesia’s 1945 constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of religion, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Indonesia is a party. However, the Indonesian government has long enacted, and in recent years strengthened, legislation and regulations that have subjected minority religions to official discrimination and made them extremely vulnerable to the members of the majority community who take the law into their own hands.
In numerous instances documented in this report, harassment and intimidation of minority communities by militant Islamist groups has been facilitated by the active or passive involvement of Indonesian government officials and security forces. These groups have cooperated with, or applied pressure on, local authorities to prevent the issuance of building permits for religious minorities’ houses of worship, sought the removal of religious minority communities to new locations, or to stop them from worshipping in their area altogether. In some cases, Christian churches that have met all of the legal requirements for construction have had their permits revoked by local authorities after pressure from Islamist groups, even in the face of Indonesian Supreme Court decisions ruling the construction legal.
This report also documents incidents in which police failed to take action to prevent violence against religious minorities or provided no assistance in the aftermath of such incidents. Police all too often have been unwilling to properly investigate reports of violence against religious minorities, suggesting complicity with the perpetrators. Nor has the justice system proven to be a defender of religious minorities. In the few cases of violence that have gone to the courts, prosecutors have sought ridiculously lenient sentences for the perpetrators of serious crimes, which the judges seem content to oblige. The exception has been cases construed by authorities as acts of “terrorism,” as with the bombing of a church in Solo, Central Java, on September 25, 2011, in which a suicide bomber died and the wife of its funder is still being prosecuted for money laundering, and an attempt to bomb another church in Serpong in April 2012, in which 19 people were arrested.
Indonesia’s religious minorities also face entrenched discrimination in their dealings with the Indonesian government bureaucracy. During the Suharto era, Indonesians were required to list their religion on their national identification cards, choosing from one of five recognized religions, a practice that discriminated against, and put in an untenable position, followers of hundreds of minority religions. Although the current Population Administration Law gives citizens the choice of whether or not to declare their religious faith on their ID cards, those who wish to declare a faith still must choose from a list of six protected religions. Individuals who do not declare a religion risk being labeled “godless” by some Muslim clerics and officials and subject to possible blasphemy prosecution. In 2012 alone, a self-declared atheist, a Shia cleric, and a spiritualist have all been jailed for blasphemy after listing Islam as their religion on their ID cards.
Indonesian government institutions have also played a role in the violation of the rights and freedoms of the country’s religious minorities. Those institutions, which include the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society (Badan Koordinasi Pengawas Aliran Kepercayaan Masyarakat, Bakor Pakem) under the Attorney General’s Office, and the semi-official Indonesian Ulama Council, have eroded religious freedom by issuing decrees and fatwas (religious rulings) against members of religious minorities and using their position of authority to press for the prosecution of “blasphemers.”
Indonesia has in recent years made meaningful progress toward strengthening democracy and respect for human rights. Those gains, along with perceptions of Indonesia as a bulwark of a progressive, moderate Islam, have prompted international praise of Indonesia as a model Islamic democracy. For instance, in November 2010, US President Barack Obama, when visiting Jakarta, praised “the spirit of religious tolerance that is enshrined in Indonesia’s constitution, and that remains one of this country’s defining and inspiring characteristics.”
If that reputation is to remain intact, strong and immediate action is needed, including more forceful leadership by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to reform the laws and government practices that have facilitated abuses against religious minorities. The Indonesian government needs to meet its obligations to hold accountable police, government officials, and members of groups implicated in the abuses. Indonesia’s reputation as a country “underpinned by the principle of religious freedom and tolerance” can only be realized if the government takes steps to curb the increasing targeting of and discrimination against religious minorities, returning to its founding principles, and fostering a national culture of acceptance and respect for all religious groups
Musibah dalam Tafsir al-Azhar dan Tafsir al-Misbah
No full textThis article describes how the Qur'an explains the calamities that befall humans. One form of disaster is natural disasters that often occur in Indonesia, so the author takes two interpretations of Indonesian scholars, namely Tafsir Al-Azhar and Tafsir Al-Misbah. This research as a whole is a library research. The author uses the maudhû`i interpretation approach (thematic) & comparative approach, the data that has been collected is analyzed using the interpretation and comparison (muqarran) method of both interpretations. The results of this study conclude that in interpreting verses related to the nature of disasters, both Hamka and M. Quraish Shihab have the same opinion, that calamities that befall humans have essentially been written in Lauhul Mahfudz and with the permission and will of Allah SWT, the difference is when the term Hamka's use of the Qur'an for the meaning of calamity is not mentioned by Hamka while M. Quraish Shihab explains the meaning and differences in scope. Hamka classifies disasters into big and small disasters, in contrast to M. Quraish Shihab, both of them have the same view that disasters occur as a result of human actions themselves, only Hamka emphasizes in his interpretation, not to blame others easily. the same view that when a disaster befalls a human being he should be patient, grateful and trustful and say the sentence istirja'
Characteristics of Women in the Qur'an (Analytical Study in Tafsir Al-Azhar and Tafsir Al-Misbah)
No full textIn the view of Islam, women are people who are highly respected. Al-Qur'an proves the nobility of women in a special sura named Al-Nisa>’ which means woman or woman. Rasulullah SAW also explained that heaven lies in the soles of women's feet, because in women there is a soft heart that causes women's characters to be different from men's. Based on the Al-Qur'an and Hadits, women have a big role in the life of the Al-Qur'an and are never separated from matters relating to women. This is evidenced by the many words used to describe women. Apart from the background above, the author examines the characteristics of women in surah al- al-Tahri<m verses 10,11 and 12 according to Buya Hamka in Tafsir Al-Azhar and M. Quraish Shihab in Tafsir Al-Misba>h as the main source of interpretation. In this study the authors used a qualitative approach which was classified into library research using descriptive data analysis methods. From the results of the research, the authors conclude that: Characteristics are formed not because of who one lives with, not because the family is respectable, so one's good or bad depends on one's piety to Allah swt. Indeed, guidance only comes from Allah SWT, even if he is the wife or husband of a believer. A person who is disobedient and treacherous will still receive punishment from Allah SWT, as well as a believer will not reduce his faith even though he lives with an unjust person. And a person who holds fast to religion and believes in what Allah SWT has decreed for him will be safe. In the analysis I did in the book Tafsir Al-Azhar and Tafsir Al-Misba>h both commented like this
KODE BAHASA DAN SASTRA DALAM LIRIK LAGU ALBUM DUA BUKU KARYA PUSAKATA (KAJIAN STILISTIKA)
No full textAlim, Azhar Maulana. 2019. “Language and Literary Code in Song Lyrics Album of Dua Buku by Pusakata (A Stylistic Study)”. Bachelor program Indonesian Literature, Semarang. Faculty of Humanities. Diponegoro University. Supervisor I Dr. Sukarjo Waluyo, M.Hum., supervisor II Khothibul Umam, S.S., M.Hum.
This thesis use a stylistic study as a formal object and six song lyrics from album Dua Buku by Pusakata which is “Cemas”, “Lagu Pesisir”, “Senja di Sini”, “Kita”, “Kehabisan Kata”, and “Jalan Pulang” as a material object. It use literature method with techniques; data collecting, data analizing, and data serving. The theory in this thesis is structural theory which used to analizing language code in song lyrics and stylistic theory to analizing a whole metaphor and literary code in song lyrics.
The result of language code from song lyrics “Cemas”, “Lagu Pesisir”, Senja di Sini”, “Kita”, “Kehabisan Kata”, and “Jalan Pulang” by Pusakata give a knowledge all about diction, rhyme, image, language style, and to describe literary code in that lyrics. The dictions in this song lyrics are poetic and so describing the meaning of the song, the rhymes are dominantly use an imperfect rhyme, the image of feeling is dominantly use an anxiety and the feeling of missing, and the styles of language is dominantly use a blank symbol.
The result of literary code from lyrics “Cemas”, “Lagu Pesisir”, Senja di Sini”, “Kita”, “Kehabisan Kata”, and “Jalan Pulang” by Pusakata explains the classification of metaphors based on the location of the symbol, rhyme, image, and unsubstantiated expression. The author found that a metaphor based on the location as many as seven symbols, metaphor in rhyme with a full rhyme as many as four symbols, the most dominant metaphor based on image is the feeling of image as much as 25,71% and metaphor based on unsustainability of the expression as many as twenty four symbols.
Keywords : Song lyrics, structural, stylistic, diction, metaphors
Infectious diseases epidemic threats and mass gatherings: refocusing global attention on the continuing spread of the Middle East Respiratory syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV)
No full textMedia and World Health Organization (WHO) attention on Zika virus transmission at the 2016 Rio Olympic Games and the 2015 Ebola virus outbreak in West Africa diverted the attention of global public health authorities from other lethal infectious diseases with epidemic potential. Mass gatherings such as the annual Hajj pilgrimage hosted by Kingdom of Saudi Arabia attract huge crowds from all continents, creating high-risk conditions for the rapid global spread of infectious diseases. The highly lethal Middle Eastern respiratory syndrome coronavirus (MERS-CoV) remains in the WHO list of top emerging diseases likely to cause major epidemics. The 2015 MERS-CoV outbreak in South Korea, in which 184 MERS cases including 33 deaths occurred in 2 months, that was imported from the Middle East by a South Korean businessman was a wake-up call for the global community to refocus attention on MERS-CoV and other emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases with epidemic potential. The international donor community and Middle Eastern countries should make available resources for, and make a serious commitment to, taking forward a “One Health” global network for proactive surveillance, rapid detection, and prevention of MERS-CoV and other epidemic infectious diseases threats
Enforcing IPR through Informal Institutions: The possible role of religion in fighting software piracy
No full textThe existence of formal IPR laws can be considered a prerequisite for having efficient law enforcement but does not imply efficient enforcement in itself. A simple model is constructed to explain the interplay between the IPR law and human behavior within counterfeiting countries. It shows how a politically monitored IPR enforcement strategy is able to alter formal IPR laws or institutions but might not affect informal institutions, or human morals and behavior, to the same extent, hence barely affecting piracy situation. The model shows the essential role of informal institutions and its sanction mechanisms in the enforcement process. The main obstacle of IPR enforcement is that people are still not convinced that IPR violations are unethical. Religion can be considered an informal institution that might support or hinder formal laws issued with regards to IPR and hence influence de facto enforcement of laws, especially in countries with high piracy rate if a high adherence to religion is found. As the Religion-Loyalty Index (RLI) developed by this study shows, Muslim countries have the highest religiosity level among different religions. Consequently, an investigation of how Islamic jurisprudence views IPR piracy is conducted. As Islam generally prohibits IPR piracy, a set of policy recommendations based on new institutional perspective is presented that can effectively help in minimizing IPR piracy in developing countries in general and Muslim ones in specific.Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), Formal vs. Informal Institutions, New Institutional Economics (NIE), Software Piracy, Religion, Enforcement
Comparative metagenomics and characterization of antimicrobial resistance genes in pasteurized and homemade fermented Arabian laban
No full textThe Middle East Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus – A Continuing Risk to Global Health Security
No full textCoronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19) in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries: Current status and management practices
No full textCoronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), caused by the novel severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), is currently a global threat to human population. The numbers of cases and deaths due to COVID-19 are escalating daily, putting health care systems worldwide under tremendous pressure. Policymakers in the affected countries have adopted varying strategies to deal with this crisis. As a result, the current COVID-19 status in terms of number of cases and deaths hugely varies between countries. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have managed to limit the massive spread of the infection among their populations by implementing proactive plans and timely decisions in response to COVID-19 outbreak; measures taken included suspension of flights, closure of educational institutes, curfew and lockdown of major cities, and provision of free-of-charge healthcare to patients. This review summarizes the COVID-19 status as of 18 May 2020 and highlights prevention and control measures applied in the GCC countries
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