82 research outputs found
Neoarchean arc-juvenile back-arc magmatism in eastern Dharwar Craton, India: geochemical fingerprints from the basalts of Kadiri greenstone belt
No full textAbstract not availableC. Manikyamba, Sohini Ganguly, M. Santosh, Abhishek Saha, Adrija Chatterjee, Arubum C. Khele
Anti-Carceral Feminism:Abolitionist Conversations on Gender-Based Violence
No full textThis chapter builds on our experience as feminist criminologists who challenge normative accounts that equate feminism with carceral perspectives which consider increasing surveillance, control and law-and-order as solutions to address violence against women. Mainstream and media discourses around violence against women and girls frame violence as a cultural and social problem where violence is narrowly defined as attacks that happen in the streets and domestic sphere. Therefore, common proposed solutions have been to ‘educate our boys’ and limit women’s movements in the public sphere, especially at night. However, this hegemonic view does not consider other forms of structural and systemic violence that women face, such as racism towards women of colour and migrant women, or how austerity and the institutionalised misogyny of the Criminal Justice System (CJS) affect women differently and disproportionately. Multidimensional forms of violence are often erased and ignored in mainstream discourses. Structural and 08/systemic forms of violence suggest that ‘cultural shift’-solutions are not enough to address the root causes of violence towards women. Feminist groups and movements have been shedding light on the role of intersecting inequalities that characterise and challenge the homogeneous understanding of the category ‘women’. Utilising reflections from our practice as feminist scholar-activists, in combination with examples emerging from the pandemic and recent forms of collective action, we argue that diverse feminisms provide fertile ideas to expose institutionalised racism and misogyny by the CJS more generally, and to understand complex forms of violence against women as systemic. Ultimately, our analysis reveals that concepts centred on the criminalisation of violence and harassment need to be rethought, since violence towards women is not abnormal but rather the norm. These forms of violence are not produced by ignorance, but instead they are the outcomes of a racial-patriarchal social order embedded in institutions and social arrangements. The analysis suggests that the conceptualisation of women as victims needs to be reconsidered, since it suggests fallacious claims that institutions address violence, when in fact they maintain the order of things
Neurodivergent, Queer and/or Trans, Femme: can "Neurofemme" be (more than) theory?
No full textEste artigo parte dos estudos de femme, neuroqueer e neurotrans, bem como estudos de deficiência acadêmicos e ativistas de justiça da deficiência, explorando as possibilidades políticas e de uma sub-cultura da deficiência geradas quando posicionalidades queer feminas, trans e neurodivergentes – que agrupo sobre a categoria “neurofemme” são uma demanda epistemológica, metodológica e ética, política e sub-cultural. É um exercício esperançoso para imaginar uma jornada “neurofemme” como posicionalidade estrutural, bem como enquanto identidade política que pode forjar solidariedades críticas com mulheres diversamente oprimidas, assim como pessoas trans e/ou queer historicamente excluídas. Está imbuído por um senso de equidade anti-capacitista, não neuronormativo, anti-classista e também anti-racista – que se expressa tanto estruturalmente como nos espaços mais íntimos do cotidiano. “Neurofemme” reconhece que mulheres trans e/ou queer – cuja homogeneidade é ativamente procurada pelas tecnologias capitalistas homonormativas e transformadoras do poder – também são neurodivergentes e que o excepcionalismo LGBT implica neurotipicalidade obrigatória e um desempenho incansável da neuronormatividade. A teoria “Neurofemme”, ao desafiar às convenções de corponormativas e neurotípicas que marginalizam a feminilidade de forma interseccinoada, imagina possibilidades equitativas. Ao mesmo tempo interroga os efeitos políticos e subculturais que afetam as “neurofemme” e como suas vidas podem ser apoiadas quando o termo é pronunciado com uma intencionalidade político-cultural.Basándose en la investigación sobre la mujer, lo neuroqueer y lo neurotrans, así como en los estudios de la discapacidad y la literatura de activistas de la justicia de la discapacidad, exploro las posibilidades políticas y subculturales que se podrían generar cuando las posicionalidades/posiciones de las mujeres queer y/o trans neurodivergentes—o “neuromujer”—están antecedidas como una necesidad epistemológica, metodológico, ético, político y sub-cultural. Imbuido de un sentido de igualdad anti-ableista, anti-sanista, antidisablista, anticasta y anti-racista, tanto estructuralmente como en los espacios y reinos más interiores de la vida cotidiana, este artículo es un ejercicio esperanzador para imaginar el viaje de la “neuromujer” como una posicionalidad estructural, así como una identidad política que puede forjar solidaridades críticas con mujeres oprimidas de diversas maneras así como con personas transexuales y/o queer históricamente excluidas. “Neuromujer” reconoce que las mujeres transexuales y/o queer, cuya homogeneidad es buscada activamente por las tecnologías capitalistas homonormativas y transformadoras del poder, también son neurodivergentes y que el excepcionalismo LGBT exige una neurotipicidad obligatoria y un desempeño implacable de la neuronormatividad. La teoría Neuromujer, al desafiar las exigencias sanistas, ableistas y disablistas colocadas en los cuerpos-mentes de neuromujeres diversamente marginadas, imagina posibilidades equitativas mientras se pregunta qué efectos políticos y subculturales y que afectan a la “neuromujer” podrían ocasionar y cómo las vidas la neuromujer pueden ser respaldadas cuando el término se pronuncia con intencionalidad política o subcultural.En m’appuyant sur la bourse de femme, de neuroqueer et de neurotrans, ainsi que sur les études universitaires sur les handicaps et la littérature des activistes de la justice pour les handicapés, j’explore les possibilités politiques et subculturelles qui pourraient être générées lorsque la positionnalité ou les positionnalités des femmes queer et/ou trans neurodivergentes — ou « neurofemmes » — sont mises au premier plan comme une nécessité épistémologique, méthodologique, éthique, politique et sous-culturelle. Imprégné d’un sens de l’équité anti-capacitiste, antisaniste, antihandicapiste, anticaste et antiraciste – à la fois structurellement et dans les espaces et domaines les plus profonds de la vie quotidienne – cet article est un exercice chargé d’espoir pour imaginer le voyage de la “neurofemme” comme une positionnalité structurelle ainsi qu’une identité politique qui peut forger des solidarités critiques avec les femmes opprimées de diverses manières ainsi que les personnes trans et/ou queer historiquement excluses. “Neurofemme” reconnaît que les femmes trans et/ou queer – dont l’homogénéité est activement recherchée par les technologies capitalistes homonormatives et transformatrices du pouvoir – sont également neurodivergentes et que l’exceptionalisme LGBT exige une neurotypicité obligatoire et une performance implacable de la neuronormativité. La théorie Neurofemme, en défiant les exigences saniste, capacitiste et handicapiste placées sur les représentations mentales de neurofemmes diversement marginalisés, imagine des possibilités équitables tout en se demandant quels sont les effets et affects politiques et sous-culturels que «neurofemme» pourrait provoquer et comment les vies de neurofemmes peuvent être soutenues lorsque le terme est prononcé avec une intentionnalité politique et subculturelle.Drawing on femme, neuroqueer, and neurotrans scholarship, as well as disability studies academic and disability justice activist literature, I explore political and subcultural possibilities that could be generated when queer and/or trans neurodivergent femmes—or “neurofemme”—positionality/positionalities are foregrounded as an epistemic, methodological, ethical, political, and sub/cultural necessity. Imbued with an anti-ableist, anti-sanist, anti-disablist, anti-caste, and anti-racist sense of equity—both structurally and in the everyday innermost spaces and realms—this article is a hopeful exercise in imagining the journey of “neurofemme” as a structural positionality as well as a political identity that can forge critical solidarities with variously oppressed femmes as well as historically excluded trans and/or queer people. “Neurofemme” recognizes that trans and/or queer femmes—whose homogeneity is actively sought by capitalist homonormative and transformative technologies of power—are also neurodivergent and that LGBT exceptionalism demands compulsory neurotypicality and relentless performance of neuronormativity. Neurofemme theory, by challenging sanist, ableist, and disablist demands placed on the bodyminds of variously marginalized neurofemmes, imagines equitable possibilities while wondering what political and sub/cultural effects and affects “neurofemme” could occasion and how neurofemme lives can be supported when the term is uttered with political and sub/cultural intentionality.
Delhi High Court\u27s Socio-Economic Rights Adjudication: Some Insights
No full textIndian constitutionalism has always occupied a central place in the global academic discourse on socio-economic rights. This is especially due to the design of the Indian Constitution (where socio-economic rights are constitutionalized in the form of non-enforceable \u27Directive Principles of State Policy\u27) and the creative interpretations of the post-emergency Supreme Court. Nearly all academic studies, however, have focussed singularly on the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court. The decisions of the other constitutional courts in India - the High Courts have largely gone unstudied. Thus, there is lacunae in academic literature on Indian socio-economic rights enforcement. In this essay, we seek to examine the Delhi High Court\u27s socio-economic rights adjudication. More specifically, we assess the interlinking of rights, nature and design of remedies, measure its decisions vis-h-vis theories of judicial review, explore the tools used to balance information asymmetry and highlight the manner of judicial activism. The method of analysis is interpretive.
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Delhi High Court\u27s Socio-Economic Rights Adjudication: Some Insights
No full textIndian constitutionalism has always occupied a central place in the global academic discourse on socio-economic rights. This is especially due to the design of the Indian Constitution (where socio-economic rights are constitutionalized in the form of non-enforceable \u27Directive Principles of State Policy\u27) and the creative interpretations of the post-emergency Supreme Court. Nearly all academic studies, however, have focussed singularly on the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court. The decisions of the other constitutional courts in India - the High Courts have largely gone unstudied. Thus, there is lacunae in academic literature on Indian socio-economic rights enforcement. In this essay, we seek to examine the Delhi High Court\u27s socio-economic rights adjudication. More specifically, we assess the interlinking of rights, nature and design of remedies, measure its decisions vis-h-vis theories of judicial review, explore the tools used to balance information asymmetry and highlight the manner of judicial activism. The method of analysis is interpretive.
Delhi High Court\u27s Socio-Economic Rights Adjudication: Some Insights
No full textIndian constitutionalism has always occupied a central place in the global academic discourse on socio-economic rights. This is especially due to the design of the Indian Constitution (where socio-economic rights are constitutionalized in the form of non-enforceable \u27Directive Principles of State Policy\u27) and the creative interpretations of the post-emergency Supreme Court. Nearly all academic studies, however, have focussed singularly on the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court. The decisions of the other constitutional courts in India - the High Courts have largely gone unstudied. Thus, there is lacunae in academic literature on Indian socio-economic rights enforcement. In this essay, we seek to examine the Delhi High Court\u27s socio-economic rights adjudication. More specifically, we assess the interlinking of rights, nature and design of remedies, measure its decisions vis-h-vis theories of judicial review, explore the tools used to balance information asymmetry and highlight the manner of judicial activism. The method of analysis is interpretive.
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