1,076 research outputs found
JOHN LOCKE AFTER 300 YEARS
No full textJohn Locke was a seminal figure in political philosophy and political economy and this year marks the tercentenary of his death. The paper focuses on the classical liberal interpretation of Locke. In this view, Locke defends individualism, natural rights (especially to property) and minimal government. After sketching this interpretation, I will present some extensions and applications of that interpretation. With this background in mind, I then turn to the views of critics who have claimed that Locke's individualism has been exaggerated and that Lockean rights are not absolute (they must be balanced against duties). Then I address the view of those who see Locke as a defender not of minimal government but of a more muscular (albeit limited) government. I then provide a brief conclusion.Political Economy,
THE THEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF ADAM SMITH'S WORK
No full textThe paper will discuss the theological foundation to Smith's writings. Teleology, final causes and divine design were initially seen as central to understanding Smith's writings. Over time, this view fell out of fashion. In the period after World War II, with the rise of positivism, commentators tended to overlook or downplay this interpretation. In the last decade, or so, teleology has started to be restored to its former position as an essential element in understanding Smith. After spelling out Smith's teleology and his view of final causes, divine design and the ends of nature, we try to explain the Panglossian nature of the 'new theistic view' of Smith. While our view differs somewhat, we agree with the essence of the 'new view' claim: a theological view exists in Smith which underpins his moral and economic theories.Political Economy,
PAIXÕES E RAZÃO: A PROXIMIDADE INESPERADA ENTRE ADAM SMITH E JOHN LOCKE
No full textExiste um parentesco sempre mencionado entre os grandes autores John Locke (séc. XVII) e Adam Smith (séc. XVIII) que residiria no valor que ambos dariam ao trabalho humano, como origem da propriedade e gerador de riquezas, e na “defesa” comum da “propriedade” e da restrição aos poderes do estado, em prol da liberdade individual, entendida em sentido negativo, isto é, ausência de empecilhos para a ação. No mais, o primeiro seria parte da filosofia política, um dos contratualistas da vertente “liberal”, enquanto o outro seria fundador da economia política, com a sustentação de que deve haver uma liberdade de comércio. Assim, afora os elementos de afinidade, os temas seriam, em tudo o mais, diversos, e cada um estaria em uma área do pensamento. Esse parentesco, no entanto, parece muito mais forte do que normalmente se coloca, e que Adam Smith repõe com precisão conceitual as formulações fundamentais de John Locke, substituindo engenhosamente a percepção racional das leis naturais pela conjunção de paixões por meio do mecanismo da “simpatia”. Isso, no entanto, acaba por chegar a duas diferenciações, a primeira das quais se expressa bem claramente, e está no fato da escravidão; a segunda, no entanto, bem mais discreta, que é o empobrecimento sociocultural dos trabalhadores, o que ocorre no sistema livre e bem ordenado, como efeito colateral da prosperidade da nação. Isso abre espaço para a crítica do ideário do sistema econômico liberal e sugere, na obra, a ação do estado para proporcionar melhores condições para os trabalhadores
Lowndes and Locke on the value of money
No full textThis paper was presented at the 11th Annual Conference of the European Society for the History of Economic Thought (ESHET).value of money, monetary theory, english monetary history, history of english banking
Personal identity and human animals: a new history and theory
No full textThe contemporary personal identity debate has divided into two entrenched positions. One supports the supposedly naive and unpopular Bodily Criterion (the view that personal identity requires physical continuity). The other school is the Psychological Criterion (the view that personal identity requires psychological continuity). This has acquired the status of virtual orthodoxy. The British Empiricists, John Locke and David Hume, are both supposed to give historical weight to this orthodoxy. This thesis argues this is a dramatic misrepresentation of history. Locke is supposed to found the personal identity debate in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding, arguing that personal identity is sameness of consciousness. It is argued that Locke in fact responds to a prevalent Cartesian View, called here the Compositional Account. The Compositional Account is the belief that a Human Being is composed of a Mind and a Body. Hume, in responding to Locke, is also responding to the Compositional Account. In opposition to widely established readings both philosophers are argued to be highly sympathetic to the Compositional Account. Chapter 1 establishes Descartes' version of the Compositional Account and explains why Descartes needs no philosophical treatment of personal identity. These problems emerge only for the Empiricists, Locke and Hume. Locke's sympathies for the Compositional Account are established in Chapter 2, drawing on material prior to the Essay and normally uncited passages in the Essay. Chapter 3 argues that Hume presumed the Compositional Account in his Treatise Concerning Human Nature. This is argued to explain Hume's famous later recantation of his theory. The thesis concludes by sketching a role for the Compositional Account in contemporary debate. The Compositional Account is argued to give strong support to a recently developed position known as Animalism. This provides the conceptual materials to move beyond the orthodox dichotomy between the Bodily Criterion and the Psychological Criterion
Liberdade, igualdade e propriedade em Locke, Ferguson e concomitantes: considerações de ordem antropológica
No full textRESUMO: Este trabalho busca destacar as idéias de propriedade, liberdade e igualdade em John Locke e Adam Ferguson, as quais contribuem largamente para a compreensão dos seus horizontes filosóficos. Paralelamente, coloca aquelas idéias sob uma perspectiva antropológica visando a discutir sua aplicabilidade ao contexto das sociedades indígenas. Considerando que aqueles filósofos desenvolveram seus trabalhos durante os séculos XVIL e XVIII, ou seja, bem antes do estabelecimento da antropologia enquanto ciência, é de registrar-se a atualidade antropológica de suas reflexões.
Palavras-chave: John Locke; Adam Ferguson; propriedade; igualdade; liberdade; sociedades indígenas.
LOCKE AND FERGUSON ON LIBERTY, EQUALITY AND PROPERTY: SOME ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Abstract: This article aims at emphasizing John Locke's and Adam Ferguson's ideas on property, liberty and equality, which can be considered as central concepts for the comprehension of their theories. Those ideas are taken under an anthropological perspective 1n order to discuss their applicability to the context of the indigenous societies. Taking into consideration that those philosophers wrote during the XVII and XVIII centuries, that is, well before the development of the anthropology as a science, it Is interesting to note the anthropological accuracy of their thoughts.
Keywords: John Locke; Adam Ferguson; property; equality; liberty; indigenous societies
OVERCOMING POSITIVISM IN ECONOMICS: AMARTYA SEN'S PROJECT OF INFUSING ETHICS INTO ECONOMICS
No full textLogical Positivism, which arose in philosophy early in the twentieth century, proclaimed the sharp distinction between facts and values. Despite objections at the time, positivism was imported into economics in the 1930s. Over time, objections lessened; economics was transformed and ethical considerations were driven out of its core. In the 1950s, debates about positivism arose within the discipline which had exported it. According to the American philosopher Hilary Putnam, the fact/value distinction is now discredited in philosophy. If that is so, the methodological foundations of contemporary economics are also discredited. In this article I examine Amartya Sen’s moral science of economics. First, I will present his historical account of the connections between economics and ethics. Sen claims that there was a close connection between the two until positivism was imported. Second, I will sketch some of Sen’s ethical objections to modern economics, which is still suffering from positivism. Finally, I will lay out some of his ideas on how economics can be returned to an ethical path. Once the ground has been cleared of positivism, ethics can re-emerge in economics in various ways. One path has been marked out by Sen.Teaching/Communication/Extension/Profession,
The political economy of trade and growth: an analytical interpretation of sir James Steuart's inquiry
No full textSir James Steuart (1713-80) has been unduly neglected by the majority of historians of economic thought. This study aims at casting a new light upon his original thought to provide a basis for the revaluation of his contribution to the development of economic discipline. The present interpretation of his Inquiry (1767) reveals that his political economy contains not only fresh new ideas and path-breaking thinking for his time but also most major ingredients of modem economics. Firmly based on the recognition of the interdependence of economic sectors and social classes, he clearly grasped the circular system of production, distribution and consumption in the exchange economy. He discerned between the 'profit upon alienation' and the 'real value' of commodities in their current price' determined in the markets. He emphasized the 'balance of work and demand', secured by the 'double competition' among the sellers and buyers of commodities, for the efficient allocation of economic resources. On these foundations, Steuart established his theory of output, employment and population in terms of the notion of 'effectual demand'. His economic analysis culminates in his discussions of economic growth and foreign trade. He linked the limitations of the former to the benefits of the latter. Meanwhile, refuting his predecessors' quantity theory, Steuart presented what might be called the production-consumption theory of money, according to which money is not neutral to the determination of the level of output in an exchange economy. His theory of international money also takes on modernity, as it adopts an absorption approach to the balance of payments. Steuart's monetary analysis comes complete with his argument for government's active finance. The state interventionism underlying the whole of Steuart's political economy is seen as its logical conclusion, rather than a mere assumption. Thus, it is suggested that the ultimate message of his Inquiry is neither laissez faire nor centa-al planning
Economia como política e esquecimento da virtude moral
No full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação Interdisciplinar em Ciências HumanasUma vez passado aquele momento de identificação e debate sobre a crise da economia, ao final do século XX, uma crise que pôde ser caracterizada tanto sob o aspecto das relações econômicas cotidianas e sua capacidade de gerar bem-estar, quanto da ciência que lhe pretende descrever, cabe à filosofia da economia buscar alguma reflexão sobre "o que estamos fazendo?". Este trabalho lida com a questão essencial da fundamentação da ciência econômica, para o que é dividido em dois momentos. O primeiro trata de saber se a formação metodológica da economia como uma ciência empírica é todo o seu fundamento necessário. Se assim for, qualquer busca de reflexão crítica deve partir de uma correta aplicação desta metodologia e melhoria de seus instrumentos teóricos de análise. Concluiu-se, entretanto, que não, e pudemos, por este motivo, propor a importância do resgate da história do pensamento econômico como parte de uma história intelectual interdisciplinar - em diálogo com princípios de filosofia moral e política. Isso nos habilita não apenas para a compreensão dos elementos afirmativos do campo científico inaugurado por Adam Smith, mas, sobretudo, pelo que, justamente por estes, ficou esquecido e, até hoje, assim está pela economia. Redescobrimos o caminho de expansão do conceito de economia, inicialmente concebido como pertencente ao domínio doméstico - em Aristóteles e também no pensamento medieval - para a sociedade civil, acompanhando o longo processo de emergência do pensamento político moderno ocidental. Os elementos desta transição nos dão conta de lançarmos a hipótese de que a emergência de uma economia adjetivada como política representa o esquecimento da virtude moral, seja considerando aspectos filosóficos, linguísticos ou políticos da questão.Once that moment of identification and debate about the crisis of economy, a crisis that may be characterized both in terms of the "real economy" as well as the science which intends to describe it, it is now bound to the philosophy of economy to seek for some reflection about "what are we doing?". The present work addresses the core question of the fundaments of the science of economy and to do so this study has been divided in two moments. The first aims at finding out whether the methodological formation of economy as an empirical science is in fact all of its necessary fundament. It has been concluded otherwise and therefore we have been capable of proposing the importance of rescuing the history of economical thought as a part of a broader intellectual history, in constant dialogue with the principles of moral and political philosophy, and not merely the comprehension of the affirmative elements of the field of science inaugurated by Adam Smith, but above all, by what has been forgotten by such elements. We therefore retake the path of expanding the very concept of economy within domestic domains, arousing from the Aristotelian philosophy, to civil society, in the primordial times of western modern philosophy, mainly regarding the philosophy of politics. The elements of such transition have provided us the necessary fundaments in order to launch the hypothesis that the arousal of an economy, labeled as political, represents the forgetfulness of moral virtue, in what concerns philosophical, linguistic and political aspects of the matter
Slaves, vassals and men: the idea of consent in the Locke-Filmer polemics
No full textOs Dois tratados sobre o governo, de John Locke, têm um papel de destaque na filosofia política das Luzes. Neles, ao afirmar as idéias de liberdade e igualdade naturais dos homens, o autor mina as bases do pensamento absolutista. Apesar de ser no Segundo tratado que o autor estabelece de modo mais evidente sua teoria política, é importante notar que o pressuposto lógico desta obra é o Primeiro tratado sobre o governo, texto menos conhecido e estudado pela história da filosofia, no qual Locke refuta de forma minuciosa as idéias de Robert Filmer, sistematizador da doutrina patriarcalista e do direito divino dos reis. Ao rejeitar argumentos de Filmer, Locke mostra que o poder político não se constitui apenas de vontade, mas envolve consenso, lei e entendimento. O propósito deste trabalho é apresentar o lado menos conhecido desse debate: os argumentos elaborados por Filmer para criticar a teoria da soberania popular e o contratualismo nem sempre são respondidos com eficácia absoluta por Locke. Além disso, a intenção é também expor o quanto o pensamento lockiano é marcado pelas asserções de Filmer, cujas idéias podem ter mais importância do que história da filosofia lhe tem atribuído.John Locke\'s \"Two Treatises on Government\" have an important role in the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. By stating the ideas of the natural liberty and equality of men, the author undermines the bases of the absolutist thought. If it is in the Second Treatise that the author establishes his political theory in a more evident way, it is important to notice that the logical presupposition of this work is the First Treatise on Government, a less known text in which Locke refutes in a minutious way the ideas of Robert Filmer, who sistematized the patriarchalist doctrine, as well as the one concerning the divine right of kings. By rejecting Filmer\'s statements, Locke shows that political power is not constituted only by will, but involves consent, law and understanding. This work aims to present an aspect of this debate which is less known: the arguments elaborated by Filmer to criticize the theory of popular sovereignty as well as contractarianism are not always answered with total eficacy by Locke. Besides, we intend to expose how much the Lockean thought is determined by Filmer, whose thought may have a greater importance than what the history of philosophy has attributed to it
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