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Le asimmetrie informative nel contesto della più recente disciplina civilistica italiana relativa ai contratti tra consumatori e operatori professionali
Full text linkOrigini e sviluppo della tutela dei consumatori sul mercato. La tutela dei consumatori con specifico riferimento al ruolo della informazione nell’ambito del contratto fra consumatore e professionista. Dalla rilevanza della informazione alla problematica della violazione degli obblighi informativi pre-contrattuali. I recenti interventi modificativi sul codice del consumo nel contesto della riforma approntata dal legislatore eurounitario. Politiche di regolazione e consumatori. Profili processualistici: la tutela dei consumatori nella prospettiva stragiudiziale.Origini e sviluppo della tutela dei consumatori sul mercato. La tutela dei consumatori con specifico riferimento al ruolo della informazione nell’ambito del contratto fra consumatore e professionista. Dalla rilevanza della informazione alla problematica della violazione degli obblighi informativi pre-contrattuali. I recenti interventi modificativi sul codice del consumo nel contesto della riforma approntata dal legislatore eurounitario. Politiche di regolazione e consumatori. Profili processualistici: la tutela dei consumatori nella prospettiva stragiudiziale.LUISS PhD Thesi
Aiuti di Stato e servizi socio-sanitari
Full text linkI servizi socio-sanitari nel diritto dell’Unione europea: inquadramento generale. L’assoggettamento dei servizi socio-sanitari alla disciplina degli aiuti di Stato: i servizi sociali di interesse generale di carattere economico. Finanziamento dei servizi socio-sanitari e disciplina degli aiuti di Stato: quadro giuridico. Finanziamento dei servizi socio-sanitari e disciplina degli aiuti di stato: giurisprudenza della Corte e prassi decisionale della Commissione. Il diritto degli aiuti di stato e gli «spazi sociali nazionali» alla luce dell’azione delle istituzioni Ue: sfide e strade per la riconciliazione dell’economico e del sociale in Europa.I servizi socio-sanitari nel diritto dell’Unione europea: inquadramento generale. L’assoggettamento dei servizi socio-sanitari alla disciplina degli aiuti di Stato: i servizi sociali di interesse generale di carattere economico. Finanziamento dei servizi socio-sanitari e disciplina degli aiuti di Stato: quadro giuridico. Finanziamento dei servizi socio-sanitari e disciplina degli aiuti di stato: giurisprudenza della Corte e prassi decisionale della Commissione. Il diritto degli aiuti di stato e gli «spazi sociali nazionali» alla luce dell’azione delle istituzioni Ue: sfide e strade per la riconciliazione dell’economico e del sociale in Europa.LUISS PhD Thesi
Legitimacy and stability in the era of globalization: toward a political conception of human rights
No full textThe growing body of philosophical literature surrounding the topic of human rights aims to give conceptual clarity to this important normative concept. Traditionally philosophical theories of human rights have tended to explore the universal, moral nature of human rights and posit ways in which the human rights practice might be brought into conformity with universal moral ends. Recently, theorists have begun to take pragmatic approach to theorizing about human rights, arguing that considerations of the political and institutional reality of human rights should be given significant weight in philosophical discussions. This dissertation is a contribution to the political philosophy of human rights which follows the latter approach and is motivated by two observations. The first is that the processes of globalization have elicited the need for institutional human rights in a manner that the drafters of the treaties and covenants of international law most likely could have never imagined. Human rights doctrine was developed in the wake of the Second World War to foster peace and security in the international arena and address standard threats to individual well-being in a world of separate states. As globalization changes the landscape of the global order, and power increasingly escapes the confines of the state, the standard threats to individual interests now come from sources over which governments may have little control. In this time of transition, the international human rights regime could serve a vital role mitigating the social and economic threats to individual well-being that emerge in the interconnected global order. The second motivating observation is that if human rights are to effectively carry out this function, then they must be perceived as legitimate by the broadest set of individuals and groups possible. In light of these considerations I will argue that a political conception of human rights informed by the realities of the contemporary international order should foreground the matter of public justification—an insight which many of the major political conceptions of human rights already take to heart. Where these theories tend to fall short however, is that their methodological and normative focus on the state compromises their philosophical and critical import in the global era. This project aims to move the political conception of human rights beyond the nation state.The growing body of philosophical literature surrounding the topic of human rights aims to give conceptual clarity to this important normative concept. Traditionally philosophical theories of human rights have tended to explore the universal, moral nature of human rights and posit ways in which the human rights practice might be brought into conformity with universal moral ends. Recently, theorists have begun to take pragmatic approach to theorizing about human rights, arguing that considerations of the political and institutional reality of human rights should be given significant weight in philosophical discussions. This dissertation is a contribution to the political philosophy of human rights which follows the latter approach and is motivated by two observations. The first is that the processes of globalization have elicited the need for institutional human rights in a manner that the drafters of the treaties and covenants of international law most likely could have never imagined. Human rights doctrine was developed in the wake of the Second World War to foster peace and security in the international arena and address standard threats to individual well-being in a world of separate states. As globalization changes the landscape of the global order, and power increasingly escapes the confines of the state, the standard threats to individual interests now come from sources over which governments may have little control. In this time of transition, the international human rights regime could serve a vital role mitigating the social and economic threats to individual well-being that emerge in the interconnected global order. The second motivating observation is that if human rights are to effectively carry out this function, then they must be perceived as legitimate by the broadest set of individuals and groups possible. In light of these considerations I will argue that a political conception of human rights informed by the realities of the contemporary international order should foreground the matter of public justification—an insight which many of the major political conceptions of human rights already take to heart. Where these theories tend to fall short however, is that their methodological and normative focus on the state compromises their philosophical and critical import in the global era. This project aims to move the political conception of human rights beyond the nation state.LUISS PhD Thesi
La crisi d’impresa delle società pubbliche
Full text linkLa questione dell’assoggettabilità delle società a partecipazione pubblica al fallimento e al
concordato preventivo è al centro di un ampio dibattito in dottrina, nonché di orientamenti non univoci
della giurisprudenza. Da ultimo, il legislatore delegato, con l’art. 14 del d.lgs. 19 agosto 2016, n. 175, ha
per la prima volta espressamente disciplinato la crisi d’impresa delle società a partecipazione pubblica.
La scarna previsione legislativa, pur corredata da una più analitica disciplina relativa alle misure
di prevenzione dell’aggravamento delle crisi d’impresa, lascia tuttavia impregiudicati alcuni dei più
rilevanti problemi emersi con riferimento al precedente contesto normativo.
Nella specie, le maggiori perplessità si incentrano sull’alveo applicativo della nuova disciplina,
facente generico riferimento alle «società a partecipazione pubblica», pur a fronte di un’ampia pluralità di
modelli di società pubblica, tra loro profondamente differenziati; d’altra parte, anche le disposizioni
definitorie recate dal medesimo decreto legislativo lasciano residuare talune rilevanti ambiguità. I profili
problematici sollevati dal nuovo intervento normativo necessitano, pertanto, di essere chiariti attraverso
il prisma delle elaborazioni pretorie, anche europee, e dottrinali che hanno indagato la morfologia e gli
elementi costitutivi dei vari modelli di società pubblica, al fine di poterne poi predicare, alla luce di
un’interpretazione sistematica, la sussumibilità o meno nel perimetro del menzionato art. 14.
Inoltre, occorre considerare che la disciplina di settore si inscrive in un complessivo processo di
riforma delle procedure concorsuali, affidato alla legge delega 19 ottobre 2017, n. 155. Il testo predisposto
dalla Commissione Rordorf, recepito nella legge delega, è peraltro suscettibile di interferire con la
specifica questione concernente le società pubbliche.
La rilevanza della questione inerente l’assoggettabilità delle società pubbliche alle procedure
concorsuali emerge, in particolare, se si ha riguardo alla consistenza e alla latitudine del fenomeno delle
società a partecipazione pubblica, come risulta dai dati empirici disponibili. Sulla base dei dati rinvenibili
dall’ultima relazione Istat, vi sono in Italia 7.757 organismi attivi (anche diversi dalle società) a
partecipazione pubblica, con un totale di 953.100 addetti. Nell’ambito di questi organismi, constano circa
5.000 società a partecipazione pubblica (con netta prevalenza delle società partecipate da enti territoriali),
con un numero complessivo di addetti ammontante alle 500.000 unità. Avendo riguardo alle sole società
partecipate dagli enti territoriali, la relazione della Corte dei conti per l’anno 2015 individua circa 3.000
società che svolgono attività strumentali, a fronte di altre 1.700 che svolgono attività di servizio pubblico.
Inoltre, la stessa relazione segnala che: sono 988 le società con numero di addetti inferiore ai membri del consiglio di amministrazione; 2.479 le società con numero di addetti inferiore a 20; 1.600 le società con
valore della produzione inferiore al milione di euro; 984 le società con valore della produzione maggiore
di un milione e inferiore a cinque milioni di euro.
Ciò posto, emerge come nell’ampio novero delle società partecipate siano individuabili diversi
modelli di società pubblica, collocabili idealmente lungo un segmento che ha per estremi, da un lato, la
disciplina di diritto comune prevista dal Codice civile e, dall’altro lato, la disciplina propriamente
pubblicistica cui sono soggetti gli enti autarchici e quelli territoriali. Nel mezzo, si collocano società a
partecipazione pubblica che presentano una regolamentazione prevalentemente privatistica ovvero
pubblicistica, con deroghe, di varia intensità, ad entrambe. Le peculiarità di tali diversi modelli si
riverberano, di necessità, sul problema inerente l’assoggettabilità delle società pubbliche lato sensu intese
alle procedure concorsuali
Problema peculiare si pone con riferimento alle società in house, soprattutto nel caso in cui siano
affidatarie di servizi pubblici; pochi dubbi, infatti, sussistono in ordine alla fallibilità di società partecipate
da enti pubblici che esercitano in una logica di mercato attività commerciali.
Con riferimento a tali società, dottrina e giurisprudenza appaiono divise tra un orientamento che
fa leva sulla non alterità della società rispetto alla Pubblica Amministrazione ed un altro orientamento
che, al contrario, si fonda sul principio generale della assoggettabilità alle procedure concorsuali delle
imprese che abbiano assunto la forma societaria, iscrivendosi nell’apposito registro e quindi
volontariamente assoggettandosi alla disciplina privatistica.
La tesi si propone dunque di esaminare la nuova disciplina della crisi d’impresa delle società
pubbliche quale punto d’incontro tra le esigenze pubblicistiche proprie delle finalità cui tali enti sono
rivolti e le caratteristiche privatistiche della loro struttura, al fine di farne emergere i profili problematici
ed ordinare in un quadro ricostruttivo le principali questioni poste dalla nuova disciplina, con particolare
riferimento alle società in house e all’emananda complessiva riforma del diritto delle crisi d’impresa.La questione dell’assoggettabilità delle società a partecipazione pubblica al fallimento e al
concordato preventivo è al centro di un ampio dibattito in dottrina, nonché di orientamenti non univoci
della giurisprudenza. Da ultimo, il legislatore delegato, con l’art. 14 del d.lgs. 19 agosto 2016, n. 175, ha
per la prima volta espressamente disciplinato la crisi d’impresa delle società a partecipazione pubblica.
La scarna previsione legislativa, pur corredata da una più analitica disciplina relativa alle misure
di prevenzione dell’aggravamento delle crisi d’impresa, lascia tuttavia impregiudicati alcuni dei più
rilevanti problemi emersi con riferimento al precedente contesto normativo.
Nella specie, le maggiori perplessità si incentrano sull’alveo applicativo della nuova disciplina,
facente generico riferimento alle «società a partecipazione pubblica», pur a fronte di un’ampia pluralità di
modelli di società pubblica, tra loro profondamente differenziati; d’altra parte, anche le disposizioni
definitorie recate dal medesimo decreto legislativo lasciano residuare talune rilevanti ambiguità. I profili
problematici sollevati dal nuovo intervento normativo necessitano, pertanto, di essere chiariti attraverso
il prisma delle elaborazioni pretorie, anche europee, e dottrinali che hanno indagato la morfologia e gli
elementi costitutivi dei vari modelli di società pubblica, al fine di poterne poi predicare, alla luce di
un’interpretazione sistematica, la sussumibilità o meno nel perimetro del menzionato art. 14.
Inoltre, occorre considerare che la disciplina di settore si inscrive in un complessivo processo di
riforma delle procedure concorsuali, affidato alla legge delega 19 ottobre 2017, n. 155. Il testo predisposto
dalla Commissione Rordorf, recepito nella legge delega, è peraltro suscettibile di interferire con la
specifica questione concernente le società pubbliche.
La rilevanza della questione inerente l’assoggettabilità delle società pubbliche alle procedure
concorsuali emerge, in particolare, se si ha riguardo alla consistenza e alla latitudine del fenomeno delle
società a partecipazione pubblica, come risulta dai dati empirici disponibili. Sulla base dei dati rinvenibili
dall’ultima relazione Istat, vi sono in Italia 7.757 organismi attivi (anche diversi dalle società) a
partecipazione pubblica, con un totale di 953.100 addetti. Nell’ambito di questi organismi, constano circa
5.000 società a partecipazione pubblica (con netta prevalenza delle società partecipate da enti territoriali),
con un numero complessivo di addetti ammontante alle 500.000 unità. Avendo riguardo alle sole società
partecipate dagli enti territoriali, la relazione della Corte dei conti per l’anno 2015 individua circa 3.000
società che svolgono attività strumentali, a fronte di altre 1.700 che svolgono attività di servizio pubblico.
Inoltre, la stessa relazione segnala che: sono 988 le società con numero di addetti inferiore ai membri del consiglio di amministrazione; 2.479 le società con numero di addetti inferiore a 20; 1.600 le società con
valore della produzione inferiore al milione di euro; 984 le società con valore della produzione maggiore
di un milione e inferiore a cinque milioni di euro.
Ciò posto, emerge come nell’ampio novero delle società partecipate siano individuabili diversi
modelli di società pubblica, collocabili idealmente lungo un segmento che ha per estremi, da un lato, la
disciplina di diritto comune prevista dal Codice civile e, dall’altro lato, la disciplina propriamente
pubblicistica cui sono soggetti gli enti autarchici e quelli territoriali. Nel mezzo, si collocano società a
partecipazione pubblica che presentano una regolamentazione prevalentemente privatistica ovvero
pubblicistica, con deroghe, di varia intensità, ad entrambe. Le peculiarità di tali diversi modelli si
riverberano, di necessità, sul problema inerente l’assoggettabilità delle società pubbliche lato sensu intese
alle procedure concorsuali
Problema peculiare si pone con riferimento alle società in house, soprattutto nel caso in cui siano
affidatarie di servizi pubblici; pochi dubbi, infatti, sussistono in ordine alla fallibilità di società partecipate
da enti pubblici che esercitano in una logica di mercato attività commerciali.
Con riferimento a tali società, dottrina e giurisprudenza appaiono divise tra un orientamento che
fa leva sulla non alterità della società rispetto alla Pubblica Amministrazione ed un altro orientamento
che, al contrario, si fonda sul principio generale della assoggettabilità alle procedure concorsuali delle
imprese che abbiano assunto la forma societaria, iscrivendosi nell’apposito registro e quindi
volontariamente assoggettandosi alla disciplina privatistica.
La tesi si propone dunque di esaminare la nuova disciplina della crisi d’impresa delle società
pubbliche quale punto d’incontro tra le esigenze pubblicistiche proprie delle finalità cui tali enti sono
rivolti e le caratteristiche privatistiche della loro struttura, al fine di farne emergere i profili problematici
ed ordinare in un quadro ricostruttivo le principali questioni poste dalla nuova disciplina, con particolare
riferimento alle società in house e all’emananda complessiva riforma del diritto delle crisi d’impresa.LUISS PhD Thesi
The Relationship between Inequality and Democracy: Evidence from Latin America
Full text linkThis PhD thesis deals with inequality and democracy in Brazil, Argentina and
Chile. These three countries are particularly relevant, as all of them experienced
some of the most notorious and most violent dictatorships in Latin America between
the 1960s and the 1980s, all of them lasting for more than three decades, before the
third wave of democratization. The three countries therefore share similar challenges
in their path to democracy, but can also show outstanding progress.
The thesis takes into account the time span from 1990 to 2015, which is
particularly relevant as it both marks the third wave of democratization, and it also
mirrors the development agenda, allowing to evaluate real progress through sound,
robust data, and to see whether the MDG agenda managed to create a more equal
and more inclusive world.
The choice of examining inequality and its relationship with democracy is due
to the current growing interest that the topic of inequality is gaining worldwide: as a
matter of fact, while in the past the main efforts were diverted towards the fight
against poverty, which resulted in the most extensive fight against poverty ever, as
stated by former UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, nowadays, the new focus is
on inequality, its growing impact on the political structures and all the consequences
it entails. Events such as Brexit and the election of Donald Trump as US President
are, for example, the result of the growing social and economic inequality and the
erosion of the middle class, as rightly argued by Oxfam International in their 2017
report on inequality. Yet, they might also be a product of the political regimes in
place, which might have produced more inequality than ever.
This thesis focuses on the political consequences of inequality. In this
framework, poverty, which is the other major global challenge, is still relevant to the
research, however, with a different perspective: poverty is analyzed as a means of
comparison, given the fact that much has already been achieved and done in this
respect, and the real challenge in the developed nations, as stated by many
distinguished scholars such as Piketty, Stiglitz, and Milanovic, is inequality, which
can however impact the important progress achieved so far in the fight against
poverty, as stated by both Oxfam International and the World Bank. Moreover,
inequality can also impact the important efforts made in regards to the process of
democratization in the area, and at global level, as it creates a less just society.
This doctoral thesis is divided into four main parts, and a final chapter
containing conclusions and policy recommendations. Each part is made up by two
chapters.
Part 1 contains two chapters: the first chapter, which focuses on the
relationship between poverty and inequality, explains why it is more relevant to study
inequality and what is the relationship between poverty and inequality. It also
formulates the research question and explores the recent developments: how and
why inequality has become such a growing concern over the last few years.
Empirical definitions of the concepts of inequality and democracy, which are
multidimensional difficult concepts, are provided. Mainstream literature up to the
present is also presented, including the current debate on why inequality endangers
our civil society and its democratic structure.
The second chapter restricts the research by focusing on the region of Latin
America. It presents the main achievements and issues of the continent, with
particular reference to Brazil, Argentina and Chile, on which the research focuses.
Mainstream documents such as the Human Development Reports by the United
Nations Development Programme, as well as reports by the World Bank, Oxfam
International, Latinobarometro, and other United Nations agencies are critically discussed to analyze the context on which research will be conducted. Also,
groundbreaking research on poverty in the region carried out by the Oxford Poverty
Human Initiative is quoted and linked to the issue of social and economic inequality
with respect to different political regimes, with the aim of better framing and
understanding the underlining issues of the region.
Part 2 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Brazil. The first chapter reviews the achievements of the 25 years of
the Millennium agenda, to see how Brazil has progressed in these 25 years, and
how such achievements might contribute towards a more democratic country, with
less inequality. The second chapter explores democracy in Brazil in the time span
1990-2015 and then evaluates the relationship between poverty, inequality and
democracy with data analysis, elaborating from the 2011 definition by Morlino of
quality of democracy.
Part 3 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Argentina, just as it did for Brazil. Here as well, the first chapter
reviews the achievements of the 25 years of the Millennium Development Agenda, to
see how Argentina has progressed in these 25 years, and how such achievements
might contribute towards a more democratic country, with less inequality. The
second chapter explores democracy in Argentina in the time span 1990-2015 and
then evaluates the relationship between poverty, inequality and democracy with data
analysis, here as well stemming from the definition by Morlino of quality of
democracy.
Part 4 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Chile, our last country of analysis. The first chapter reviews the
achievements of the 25 years of the Millennium Development Agenda, to see how
Chile, this time, has progressed in this regard, and how such achievements have
contributed towards a more democratic country, with less inequality. The second
chapter explores democracy in Chile in the time span 1990-2015 and then evaluates
the relationship between poverty, inequality and democracy with data analysis, using
the concept of quality of democracy.
In Part V, chapter 9 concludes the research by carrying out comparative
analysis of the three countries, trying to answer the original research question, as
formulated in the first chapter: how inequality impacts democracy in the three
countries that experienced some of the most violent dictatorships in Latin America,
according to the indicators selected and the results inferred from data analysis.
Finally, criticism to current and past policy measures, as well as policy
recommendations are presented, highlighting new paths for research, in order to
clarify a very complex issue, an issue that has become one of the most urgent issue
in our world, and which can have future implications that can extend to other
domains, such as policy migrations, economics, political science and sociology, just
to name a few.This PhD thesis deals with inequality and democracy in Brazil, Argentina and
Chile. These three countries are particularly relevant, as all of them experienced
some of the most notorious and most violent dictatorships in Latin America between
the 1960s and the 1980s, all of them lasting for more than three decades, before the
third wave of democratization. The three countries therefore share similar challenges
in their path to democracy, but can also show outstanding progress.
The thesis takes into account the time span from 1990 to 2015, which is
particularly relevant as it both marks the third wave of democratization, and it also
mirrors the development agenda, allowing to evaluate real progress through sound,
robust data, and to see whether the MDG agenda managed to create a more equal
and more inclusive world.
The choice of examining inequality and its relationship with democracy is due
to the current growing interest that the topic of inequality is gaining worldwide: as a
matter of fact, while in the past the main efforts were diverted towards the fight
against poverty, which resulted in the most extensive fight against poverty ever, as
stated by former UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, nowadays, the new focus is
on inequality, its growing impact on the political structures and all the consequences
it entails. Events such as Brexit and the election of Donald Trump as US President
are, for example, the result of the growing social and economic inequality and the
erosion of the middle class, as rightly argued by Oxfam International in their 2017
report on inequality. Yet, they might also be a product of the political regimes in
place, which might have produced more inequality than ever.
This thesis focuses on the political consequences of inequality. In this
framework, poverty, which is the other major global challenge, is still relevant to the
research, however, with a different perspective: poverty is analyzed as a means of
comparison, given the fact that much has already been achieved and done in this
respect, and the real challenge in the developed nations, as stated by many
distinguished scholars such as Piketty, Stiglitz, and Milanovic, is inequality, which
can however impact the important progress achieved so far in the fight against
poverty, as stated by both Oxfam International and the World Bank. Moreover,
inequality can also impact the important efforts made in regards to the process of
democratization in the area, and at global level, as it creates a less just society.
This doctoral thesis is divided into four main parts, and a final chapter
containing conclusions and policy recommendations. Each part is made up by two
chapters.
Part 1 contains two chapters: the first chapter, which focuses on the
relationship between poverty and inequality, explains why it is more relevant to study
inequality and what is the relationship between poverty and inequality. It also
formulates the research question and explores the recent developments: how and
why inequality has become such a growing concern over the last few years.
Empirical definitions of the concepts of inequality and democracy, which are
multidimensional difficult concepts, are provided. Mainstream literature up to the
present is also presented, including the current debate on why inequality endangers
our civil society and its democratic structure.
The second chapter restricts the research by focusing on the region of Latin
America. It presents the main achievements and issues of the continent, with
particular reference to Brazil, Argentina and Chile, on which the research focuses.
Mainstream documents such as the Human Development Reports by the United
Nations Development Programme, as well as reports by the World Bank, Oxfam
International, Latinobarometro, and other United Nations agencies are critically discussed to analyze the context on which research will be conducted. Also,
groundbreaking research on poverty in the region carried out by the Oxford Poverty
Human Initiative is quoted and linked to the issue of social and economic inequality
with respect to different political regimes, with the aim of better framing and
understanding the underlining issues of the region.
Part 2 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Brazil. The first chapter reviews the achievements of the 25 years of
the Millennium agenda, to see how Brazil has progressed in these 25 years, and
how such achievements might contribute towards a more democratic country, with
less inequality. The second chapter explores democracy in Brazil in the time span
1990-2015 and then evaluates the relationship between poverty, inequality and
democracy with data analysis, elaborating from the 2011 definition by Morlino of
quality of democracy.
Part 3 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Argentina, just as it did for Brazil. Here as well, the first chapter
reviews the achievements of the 25 years of the Millennium Development Agenda, to
see how Argentina has progressed in these 25 years, and how such achievements
might contribute towards a more democratic country, with less inequality. The
second chapter explores democracy in Argentina in the time span 1990-2015 and
then evaluates the relationship between poverty, inequality and democracy with data
analysis, here as well stemming from the definition by Morlino of quality of
democracy.
Part 4 of the thesis explores the relationship between inequality and
democracy in Chile, our last country of analysis. The first chapter reviews the
achievements of the 25 years of the Millennium Development Agenda, to see how
Chile, this time, has progressed in this regard, and how such achievements have
contributed towards a more democratic country, with less inequality. The second
chapter explores democracy in Chile in the time span 1990-2015 and then evaluates
the relationship between poverty, inequality and democracy with data analysis, using
the concept of quality of democracy.
In Part V, chapter 9 concludes the research by carrying out comparative
analysis of the three countries, trying to answer the original research question, as
formulated in the first chapter: how inequality impacts democracy in the three
countries that experienced some of the most violent dictatorships in Latin America,
according to the indicators selected and the results inferred from data analysis.
Finally, criticism to current and past policy measures, as well as policy
recommendations are presented, highlighting new paths for research, in order to
clarify a very complex issue, an issue that has become one of the most urgent issue
in our world, and which can have future implications that can extend to other
domains, such as policy migrations, economics, political science and sociology, just
to name a few.LUISS PhD Thesi
Democracy and income inequality: searching for a reciprocal causal relation
Full text linkThe study of the relation between democracy and income inequality is puzzling scholars
at least since the 1970s, however, still there is no agreement about how the relation between the
two variables would shape nor how the causal mechanisms would work, and some scholars even
denied the presence of any causal relation. The aim of the present work is to shed light on such a
disagreement by addressing the relation between the two variables from a political science rather
than a purely economic viewpoint, developing a more complete theoretical framework abandoning
some of the economic premises mostly employed insofar. In particular, the work aimed to answer
the following main research questions: does, and through which channels, the state’sThe study of the relation between democracy and income inequality is puzzling scholars
at least since the 1970s, however, still there is no agreement about how the relation between the
two variables would shape nor how the causal mechanisms would work, and some scholars even
denied the presence of any causal relation. The aim of the present work is to shed light on such a
disagreement by addressing the relation between the two variables from a political science rather
than a purely economic viewpoint, developing a more complete theoretical framework abandoning
some of the economic premises mostly employed insofar. In particular, the work aimed to answer
the following main research questions: does, and through which channels, the state’sLUISS PhD Thesi
Investimenti e assetti proprietari nelle società quotate italiane: il voto multiplo
Full text linkIl presente studio si pone l’obiettivo di analizzare l’istituto del voto multiplo a seguito della sua introduzione nell’ordinamento italiano in chiave giuridico-economica.
Assieme a una ricognizione della normativa in prospettiva comparata, l’elaborato analizza le tesi principali della letteratura economica favorevoli e contrarie all’adozione di un simile meccanismo nonché i risultati di studi economici aventi ad oggetto la performance delle società con sistemi non proporzionali di voto.
Da un punto di vista giuridico, i principali profili normativi caratterizzanti l’istituto sono analizzati facendo emergere similitudini e differenze con quelli presenti e disciplinati in altri ordinamenti, quali Stati Uniti e Olanda, al fine di valutare le scelte di politica legislativa del legislatore italiano e collocarle all’interno del panorama internazionale di concorrenza tra ordinamenti.
Da un punto di vista economico, l’elaborato analizza i risultati degli studi di performance con approccio critico, proponendo una chiave di lettura dei dati oggetto di analisi differente da quella tradizionale.
Alla luce di tali valutazioni, l’elaborato sviluppa infine talune tesi a favore dell’istituto in esame, suggerendo motivazioni a sostegno della sua introduzione non solo nella prospettiva dei soci di controllo, ma anche di quelli di minoranza.Il presente studio si pone l’obiettivo di analizzare l’istituto del voto multiplo a seguito della sua introduzione nell’ordinamento italiano in chiave giuridico-economica.
Assieme a una ricognizione della normativa in prospettiva comparata, l’elaborato analizza le tesi principali della letteratura economica favorevoli e contrarie all’adozione di un simile meccanismo nonché i risultati di studi economici aventi ad oggetto la performance delle società con sistemi non proporzionali di voto.
Da un punto di vista giuridico, i principali profili normativi caratterizzanti l’istituto sono analizzati facendo emergere similitudini e differenze con quelli presenti e disciplinati in altri ordinamenti, quali Stati Uniti e Olanda, al fine di valutare le scelte di politica legislativa del legislatore italiano e collocarle all’interno del panorama internazionale di concorrenza tra ordinamenti.
Da un punto di vista economico, l’elaborato analizza i risultati degli studi di performance con approccio critico, proponendo una chiave di lettura dei dati oggetto di analisi differente da quella tradizionale.
Alla luce di tali valutazioni, l’elaborato sviluppa infine talune tesi a favore dell’istituto in esame, suggerendo motivazioni a sostegno della sua introduzione non solo nella prospettiva dei soci di controllo, ma anche di quelli di minoranza.LUISS PhD Thesi
Eurasianism: an ideology for the multipolar world
Full text linkThe research focuses on the study of Eurasianism, a political doctrine primarily developed in Russia, which founds its principles on classical geopolitics (Mackinder, Spykman, Haushofer, Schmitt) and on the ideology of conservatism. From a geopolitical point of view, following Mackinder scheme, Eurasianism claims that the international power that controls the Eurasian landmass can obtain global hegemony. It also believes in the dichotomy between thalassocratic power (represented today by Atlanticism) and telluric power (exemplified by Russia and China): this irreconcilable dualism is perceived as a strategic, cultural, and philosophical clash between two opposite worldviews, namely globalism and unipolarity on one hand and traditionalism and multipolarity on the other. Specifically, the research investigates Aleksandr Dugin’s neo-Eurasianist thought and its implications for the international system. After employing the analytical study of ideologies as a methodological tool, the research acknowledges Eurasianism as a full-fledged ideology and collocates it within the spectrum of conservative theories. It then analyzes the historical evolution of Eurasianism, from the early 20th century to its contemporary manifestations, paying specific attention to the works of early Eurasianists and of Lev N. Gumilëv. Afterwards, it describes the liaison between Eurasianism and geopolitics, offering a quick overview – both historical and theoretical – on the nature of geopolitics, unfolding the foundations of geopolitical analysis according to Dugin. Consequently, the research portraits the main geopolitical theories that highlight the strategic role of the Eurasian landmass and of its core, namely Mackinder’s “Heartland theory”, Spykman’s “Rimland theory”, and Haushofer’s Kontinentalblock project. After these premises, the study concentrates on the central elements of the neo-Eurasianist ideology, including the chief features of Dugin’s so-called “Fourth Political Theory” and of his “Eurasian Manifesto”. It also scrutinizes what Eurasianism considers to be its natural foes, namely post-liberalism, subjectivist individualism, unipolarity, Atlanticism, and globalism, in the attempt to understand why it is so. Moreover, specific attention is given to the Eurasianist vision of global order, focused on the quest for developing a multipolar world order which would be based on the overcoming of unipolarity, on Russia’s specific geopolitical mission, and on the subdivision of the world in geo-economic zones and great spaces. Finally, the research explores in more empirical terms three contemporary Eurasian initiatives aimed at integrating the Eurasian space, namely the Eurasian Economic Union, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Belt and Road Initiative.
The main hypotheses that the research assesses are the following. First, whether the Eurasianist ideology – and specifically Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism – would represent a theoretical contribution for the description of the advent of a multipolar international order or would it embody an inefficient, normatively biased, and often naïve hermeneutic instrument. Second, whether geopolitical theories could still offer a valid tool for interpreting international relations and global power. Third, whether Eurasia could be considered a truly strategic continent for global hegemony.The research focuses on the study of Eurasianism, a political doctrine primarily developed in Russia, which founds its principles on classical geopolitics (Mackinder, Spykman, Haushofer, Schmitt) and on the ideology of conservatism. From a geopolitical point of view, following Mackinder scheme, Eurasianism claims that the international power that controls the Eurasian landmass can obtain global hegemony. It also believes in the dichotomy between thalassocratic power (represented today by Atlanticism) and telluric power (exemplified by Russia and China): this irreconcilable dualism is perceived as a strategic, cultural, and philosophical clash between two opposite worldviews, namely globalism and unipolarity on one hand and traditionalism and multipolarity on the other. Specifically, the research investigates Aleksandr Dugin’s neo-Eurasianist thought and its implications for the international system. After employing the analytical study of ideologies as a methodological tool, the research acknowledges Eurasianism as a full-fledged ideology and collocates it within the spectrum of conservative theories. It then analyzes the historical evolution of Eurasianism, from the early 20th century to its contemporary manifestations, paying specific attention to the works of early Eurasianists and of Lev N. Gumilëv. Afterwards, it describes the liaison between Eurasianism and geopolitics, offering a quick overview – both historical and theoretical – on the nature of geopolitics, unfolding the foundations of geopolitical analysis according to Dugin. Consequently, the research portraits the main geopolitical theories that highlight the strategic role of the Eurasian landmass and of its core, namely Mackinder’s “Heartland theory”, Spykman’s “Rimland theory”, and Haushofer’s Kontinentalblock project. After these premises, the study concentrates on the central elements of the neo-Eurasianist ideology, including the chief features of Dugin’s so-called “Fourth Political Theory” and of his “Eurasian Manifesto”. It also scrutinizes what Eurasianism considers to be its natural foes, namely post-liberalism, subjectivist individualism, unipolarity, Atlanticism, and globalism, in the attempt to understand why it is so. Moreover, specific attention is given to the Eurasianist vision of global order, focused on the quest for developing a multipolar world order which would be based on the overcoming of unipolarity, on Russia’s specific geopolitical mission, and on the subdivision of the world in geo-economic zones and great spaces. Finally, the research explores in more empirical terms three contemporary Eurasian initiatives aimed at integrating the Eurasian space, namely the Eurasian Economic Union, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Belt and Road Initiative.
The main hypotheses that the research assesses are the following. First, whether the Eurasianist ideology – and specifically Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism – would represent a theoretical contribution for the description of the advent of a multipolar international order or would it embody an inefficient, normatively biased, and often naïve hermeneutic instrument. Second, whether geopolitical theories could still offer a valid tool for interpreting international relations and global power. Third, whether Eurasia could be considered a truly strategic continent for global hegemony.LUISS PhD Thesi
I diritti di sfruttamento economico degli eventi sportivi: i diritti audiovisivi sportivi
Full text linkL'evento sportivo. L'evento sportivo come contenuto. La commercializzazione dei diritti sugli eventi sportivi. Eventi sportivi ed interesse pubblico.L'evento sportivo. L'evento sportivo come contenuto. La commercializzazione dei diritti sugli eventi sportivi. Eventi sportivi ed interesse pubblico.LUISS PhD Thesi
Essays in Development Economics
Full text linkThis thesis is a combination of two essays in development economics that
explores the implication of income inequality and capital liberalization on
economic development.
The first essay — Income Inequality, Rent-seeking and Economic
Growth in Resource Abundant Countries, revisits the debate on the relationship
between income inequality and economic growth. Prevailing research on the
inequality-growth nexus suggests that inequality has a negative impact on
economic growth of a country. In addition to the relationship between
inequality and economic growth, this essay reviews studies that aim to ascertain
the reasons behind the observation that countries who have abundant natural
resources do not outperform resource-scarce countries – the so called resource
curse hypothesis. Following the literatures, we hypothesize that inequality is
more detrimental to economic performance in resource-abundant countries.
Using the system generalized method of moments (GMM) dynamic panel
estimation method and data set for the period 1988-2012, we compare the
relationship between inequality and economic growth in resource and nonresource
abundant countries. Our results confirm that the negative impact of
income inequality on economic growth is amplified for countries that are
endowed with abundant natural resources.
In the second essay — Greasing The Revolving Door: Foreign Aid,
Governance and Private Capital Flows, we revisit the debate on the importance
of capital liberalization on economic performance. Using Three-Stage Least
Squares (3SLS) estimation technique that is proposed in Zellner and Theil
(1962), we synthesize studies on the determinants of governance and capital
flows. We find evidence of a revolving door relationship. Foreign aid has a
negative impact on governance and, thereby, reduces capital inflows since poor
governance hinders capital inflows. The need to fill the gap that is created by
private capital outflows encourages inflow of foreign aid, which in turn harms
governance. Our empirical result has a clear policy implication. Capital
liberalization could grease a revolving door and handicap economic
development in the aid receiving countries.This thesis is a combination of two essays in development economics that
explores the implication of income inequality and capital liberalization on
economic development.
The first essay — Income Inequality, Rent-seeking and Economic
Growth in Resource Abundant Countries, revisits the debate on the relationship
between income inequality and economic growth. Prevailing research on the
inequality-growth nexus suggests that inequality has a negative impact on
economic growth of a country. In addition to the relationship between
inequality and economic growth, this essay reviews studies that aim to ascertain
the reasons behind the observation that countries who have abundant natural
resources do not outperform resource-scarce countries – the so called resource
curse hypothesis. Following the literatures, we hypothesize that inequality is
more detrimental to economic performance in resource-abundant countries.
Using the system generalized method of moments (GMM) dynamic panel
estimation method and data set for the period 1988-2012, we compare the
relationship between inequality and economic growth in resource and nonresource
abundant countries. Our results confirm that the negative impact of
income inequality on economic growth is amplified for countries that are
endowed with abundant natural resources.
In the second essay — Greasing The Revolving Door: Foreign Aid,
Governance and Private Capital Flows, we revisit the debate on the importance
of capital liberalization on economic performance. Using Three-Stage Least
Squares (3SLS) estimation technique that is proposed in Zellner and Theil
(1962), we synthesize studies on the determinants of governance and capital
flows. We find evidence of a revolving door relationship. Foreign aid has a
negative impact on governance and, thereby, reduces capital inflows since poor
governance hinders capital inflows. The need to fill the gap that is created by
private capital outflows encourages inflow of foreign aid, which in turn harms
governance. Our empirical result has a clear policy implication. Capital
liberalization could grease a revolving door and handicap economic
development in the aid receiving countries.LUISS PhD Thesi