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Zoran Đinđić: From Anarchist to Barbarogenius
No full textZoran Đinđić bio je prvi (i do sada jedini) srbijanski premijer sa doktorskom diplomom filozofa i objavljenim knjigama koje su, u celosti ili
delimično, bile posvećene filozofiji politike. Otuda se nameće pitanje
da li je postojao uticaj njegovih ranih filozofskih stavova na kasnije
bavljenje politikom. U članku se autor bavi onim što misli da je bio
glavni diskontinuitet i glavni kontinuitet u misli Zorana Đinđića. Glavni diskontinuitet pojavio se u oblasti filozofije istorije: u suprotnosti
sa njegovom ranom kritikom filozofije istorije on je, dok je bio na
vlasti, formulisao svoju „filozofiju srpske istorije”. Na drugoj strani, u
kritici prosvetiteljstva (shvaćenog kao totalitarnog) bio je dosledan
do kraja svog života. Štaviše, vernost mladalačkom anarhizmu izgleda da je došla do izražaja u poslednjim mesecima Đinđićevog života,
kada je počeo da poprima crte Barbarogenija, onako kako ga je svojevremeno opisao Ljubomir Micić.Zoran Đinđić was the first (and so far only) Serbian prime minister with a PhD in philosophy and publications entirely or partially devoted to the philosophy of politics.
Therefore, it is worth asking whether there was any impact of his early philosophical
views on his later politics. The author is dealing with what he considers to be the main
discontinuity and the main continuity in Đinđić’s thought. The former one marks the
field of philosophy of history: in contrast to his early critique of philosophy of history,
once in power Đinđić formulated his own „philosophy of Serbian history”. The latter
one, his critique of Enlightement as totalitarian, proved to be persistent throughout
his life. In the last months of his life Đinđić began to take on the features of a Barbarogenius, as Ljubomir Micić once described himself
Zoran Đinđić - politika kao poziv i politika kao sudbina
No full textU ovom radu nastojim da osvetlim političko nasleđe i politički anga-žman Zorana Đinđića. U prvom delu rada „Politika kao poziv” analizi-ram vezu između njegovog teorijskog rada i praktičnog delovanja, od-nos teorije i prakse, filozofije i politike. Filozofija je Đinđiću bila nadahnuće, inspiracija i uporište za menjanje sveta i sistema kojim nije bio zadovoljan. Đinđić je prestao da bude filozof – da filozofira, da bi postao političar – da dela. Tačka presecanja Đinđićevih filozofsko-poli-tikoloških rasprava i političkog angažmana i ono po čemu će ostati upamćen, bila je ideja „nedovršene države”, koja se odnosila na Jugosla-viju, a važila je i još uvek važi za Srbiju. Đinđić je čitav svoj javni intelek-tualni angažman posvetio politici kao pozivu. Bio je kreator političkih promena 2000, nosilac nade, modernizator i državnik. Hteo je da me-nja Srbiju uprkos otporu promenama koji su organizovale snage konti-nuiteta. U drugom delu, naslovljenom – „Politika kao sudbina”, ukazu-jem na elemente tragedije antičkog junaka koji prinosi svoj život kao poslednju žrtvu ideji slobode, ideji demokratske Srbije u Evropi i ideji budućnosti koja treba da prevlada nad okovanom prošlošću; pokazu-jem da je Đinđić imao strast za politiku i stradao od svoje najveće stra-sti; i kako je bio modernizator Srbije i njen prosvetitelj. Sudbina onih koji idu ispred vremena je – da im pucaju u leđa. Filozofsko obrazovanje i utemeljenje, politički angažman i posvećenost promenama Zorana Đinđića, ostaće zabeleženi kao svetla tačka novije srpske istorije.In this paper, I try to shed light on the political legacy and political engagement of Zoran Đinđić. In the first part of the work “Politics as a Calling”, I analyze the connec-tion between his theoretical work and practical action, the relationship between the-ory and practice, philosophy and politics. For Đinđić, philosophy was an inspiration and a stronghold for changing the world and the system he was not satisfied with. Đinđić stopped being a politician - to philosophize, to become a politician - to act. The point of intersection of Đinđić›s philosophical and political discussions and political involve-ment, and what he will be remembered for, was the idea of an “unfinished state”, which applied to Yugoslavia and was and still is valid for Serbia. Đinđić dedicated his entire public intellectual engagement to politics as a vocation. Đinđić was the creator of po-litical changes in 2000, a bearer of hope, a modernizer and a statesman. He wanted to change Serbia despite the organized resistance to changes by the forces of conti-nuity. In the second part entitled - “Politics as Destiny”, I point out the elements of the tragedy of the ancient hero who offers his life as the last sacrifice to the idea of freedom, to the idea of a democratic Serbia in Europe and to the idea of a future that should prevail over the shackled past; I show that Đinđić had a passion for politics and suffered from his greatest passion; and how he was the modernizer of Serbia and its enlightener. The fate of those who go ahead of time is to be shot in the back. Zoran Đinđić›s philosophical education and foundation, political engagement and commit-ment to change will remain recorded as a bright spot in recent Serbian history
O konferenciji "In the frictions: fragments of care, health and wellbeing in the Balkans"
No full text
The epistemic value of participant observation: Between explanation and understanding
No full textParticipant observation is a method that tries to capture the beliefs and practices of the
people being studied as they occur in their natural settings. Bronislaw Malinowski was the
first to describe participant observation as an empirical method. Following Clifford Geertz,
this method has been described as enabling “thick description”. It has been presented as a
method for the “hermeneutical analysis” of culture. As such, it is seen as the means for the
production of interpretations of human actions, contributing thereby to our understanding
of sociocultural phenomena. That is to say, participant observation is understood as being
at odds with the research that explores the causes of the phenomena observed.
This method also tends to be the defining feature of sociocultural anthropology and
practicing it for at least a year (usually during the PhD) is the inescapable rite of passage
for calling oneself a sociocultural anthropologist. Despite its central role in sociocultural
anthropology, participant observation stands aside as a scientific method. It obviously
differs from the experimental method, which is often presented as the paramount example
of scientific practice. It also differs from mere observational methods – as practiced, for
instance, by astronomers observing stars or even by ethologists observing animals’ behavior.
Indeed, the participant observer has to be directly involved, for a sufficient amount of
time, in the lives of the ‘observed’. Only this can bring the genuine understanding that
sociocultural anthropologists are after. Participant observation has therefore an epistemic
value, but it is one of a specific kind.
Two questions follow: first, what makes participant observation so valuable in
knowledge production? Second, does participant observation have epistemic value for
those who are looking for causal explanations?
In this paper, I analyze the processes through which knowledge is produced by way
of participant observation. My argument rests on a description of the cognitive feats of
participant observation since I hold that the cognitive activity of interpreting has not
yet been fully described and assessed as such. My argument goes as follows: I argue that
the process of interpretation in participant observation involves relying heavily on what
cognitive scientists call “mind-reading” capabilities. Second, I claim that this characteristic
use of mind-reading makes participant observation useful for identifying the causes of
sociocultural phenomena. Thus, I conclude that participant observation is an adequate
method for describing the causal relationships that constitute sociocultural phenomena.Посматрање са учествовањем је метод којим се описују веровања и праксе
људи у њиховом природном окружењу. Бронислав Малиновски први је користио
и описао посматрање са учествовањем као емпиријски метод. Након Клифорда
Герца, овај метод се користио за долазак до „густих описа”. Односно, представљен
је као метод за „херменеутичку анализу” културе, то јест као средство за долазак
до интерпретација људских поступака, доприносећи на тај начин разумевању
социокултурних феномена. Према томе, посматрање са учествовањем сматра се у
супротности са истраживањем које тражи узроке посматраних појава.
Овај метод је такође дефинишућа карактеристика социокултурне антропологије
и практиковање посматрања са учествовањем најмање годину дана (обично током
доктората) неизбежан је „обред преласка” у социокултурног антрополога. Упркос
својој централној улози у овој дисциплини, посматрање са учествовањем стоји
по страни као научни метод. Очигледно се разликује од експерименталне методе,
која се често представља као парадигматичан пример научне праксе. Такође се
разликује од пуких метода посматрања – како то практикују, на пример, астрономи
који посматрају звезде или етолози који посматрају понашање животиња. Заиста,
посматрач-учесник мора бити директно укључен, довољно времена, у животе
„посматраних”. Само се тако може доћи до истинског разумевања које траже
социокултурни антрополози. Посматрање са учествовањем, стога, има сазнају
вредност, али посебне врсте.
Следе два питања: прво, шта посматрање са учествовањем чини тако вредним у
производњи знања? Друго, да ли посматрање са учествовањем има сазнајну вредност
за оне који траже узрочна објашњења?
У овом раду анализирам процесе кроз које се знање производи путем посматрања
са учествовањем. Мој аргумент почива на опису когнитивних процеса који леже у
основи овог метода будући да сматрам да когнитивна активност интерпретације
још увек није у потпуности описана. Мој аргумент је следећи: тврдим да процес
интерпретације у посматрању са учествовањем укључује у великој мери ослањање на
оно што когнитивни научници називају способностима „читања ума”. Друго, тврдим
да ова карактеристична употреба „читања ума” чини посматрање са учествовањем
корисним за изналажење узрока социокултурних феномена. Дакле, закључујем да је посматрање са учествовањем адекватан метод за описивање узрочних веза које
конституишу социокултурне феномене
Development of a novel instrument for assessing intentional non-adherence to official medical recommendations (iNAR-12): a sequential mixed-methods study in Serbia
No full textObjectives We aimed to (1) develop a novel instrument, suitable for the general population, capturing intentional non-adherence (iNAR), consisting of non-adherence to prescribed therapy, self-medication and avoidance of seeking medical treatment; (2) differentiate it from other forms of non-adherence, for example, smoking; and (3) relate iNAR to patient-related factors, such as sociodemographics, health status and endorsement of irrational beliefs (conspiratorial thinking and superstitions) and to healthcare-related beliefs and experiences ((mis)trust and negative experiences with the healthcare system, normalisation of patient passivity).
Design То generate iNAR items, we employed a focus group with medical doctors, supplemented it with a literature search and invited a public health expert to refine it further. We examined the internal structure and predictors of iNAR in an observational study.
Setting Data were collected online using snowball sampling and social networks.
Participants After excluding those who failed one or more out of three attention checks, the final sample size was n=583 adult Serbian citizens, 74.4% female, mean age 39.01 years (SD=12.10).
Primary and secondary outcome measures The primary, planned outcome is the iNAR Questionnaire, while smoking was used for comparison purposes.
Results Factor analysis yielded a one-factor solution, and the final 12-item iNAR Questionnaire had satisfactory internal reliability (alpha=0.72). Health condition and healthcare-related variables accounted for 14% of the variance of iNAR behaviours, whereas sociodemographics and irrational beliefs did not additionally contribute.
Conclusions We constructed a brief yet comprehensive measure of iNAR behaviours and related them to health and sociodemographic variables and irrational beliefs. The findings suggest that public health interventions should attempt to improve patients' experiences with the system and build trust with their healthcare practitioners rather than aim at specific demographic groups or at correcting patients’ unfounded beliefs
Quick Natural Cure-Alls: Portrayal of Traditional, Complementary, and Alternative Medicine in Serbian Online Media
No full textTo describe how Serbian online media cover the topic of traditional, complementary, and alternative medicine (TM/CAM), we conducted a content analysis of 182 articles from six news and six magazine websites, published July–December 2021. Biologically based treatments, predominantly herbal products framed as Serbian or Russian folk medicine, were the most common (70.9%, 205/289 practices). The practices were often presented as general health enhancers (18.4%, 71/386 claims); other common reasons given for the use of TM/CAM were to alleviate respiratory problems, boost the immunity, and detox. The tone was overwhelmingly positive, with most of the positive articles (82.4%, 145/176) neglecting to present information on potential harms of TM/CAM use. Few articles provided a recommendation to speak with a healthcare provider (13.6%, 24/176); in contrast, the recommended dosage was often explained (59.7%, 105/176). TM/CAM practitioners (15.9%, 28/176) and conventional medicine practitioners (12.5%, 22/176) were most commonly cited sources. Articles tended to appeal to TM/CAM’s tradition of use (65.3%, 115/176), naturalness (45.5%, 80/176), and convenience (40.9%, 72/176), used pseudoscientific jargon (59.7%, 105/176), and failed to cite sources for the claims that TM/CAM use is supported by science (22.2%, 39/176). Much of the information provided in Serbian online media seems to be uncritical, with a potential for misleading consumers
Online violence among students at the University of Belgrade: results of the UniSafe survey
No full textOnline violence research has exploded in recent years, but has largely focused on
cyberbullying behaviours in primary and middle schools. Empirical research on online
violence among students in higher education is much rarer not only in Serbia, but also
worldwide. Given the negative consequences of online violence on young people's
psychophysical health and well-being, it is important to know how many university
students have experienced online violence with persons associated with their
institution.
The aim of this paper was to determine the prevalence and frequency of online violence
among students in an academic context, taking into account gender and sexual
orientation. Online violence can take many forms such as cyberbullying, online sexual
abuse, non-consensual distribution of sexual images and texts.
The survey is part of the international UniSafe project – the largest of its kind in Europe
in the research sector, which investigates the prevalence of gender-based violence at
universities and scientific research institutions in Europe. Quantitative data was
collected through an online survey conducted in March and April 2022. The sample
consisted of 2175 students from the University of Belgrade (76% female and 24% male;
87% heterosexual and 13% LGBT+).
Тhe results indicate that the overall prevalence of online violence among students is 5%,
among members of the LGBT+ population – 9%, heterosexuals – 4%, female students –
6%, male students – 4%. When it comes to specific forms of victimization, unlawful
photographing or recording was reported by 2% of female and 3% of male and 2% LGBT+,
2% heterosexual; bullying, threats and attacks online was reported by 3% of female and 2% of male; 6% LGBT+, 2% heterosexual; offensive or threatening comments on learning
or collaborative work platforms was reported by 2% of female and 1% of male; 4% LGBT+,
2% heterosexual.
About half of the respondents (42%) had been a victim of online violence once, almost a
third (30% students) 2-3 times and almost a fifth (15% of students) 6 times or more. No
statistically significant differences in exposure to online violence were found in relation
to gender and sexual orientation.
Since starting their studies, 11% of students have noticed someone has been harassed
online (e.g. via social media, email, messages or virtual learning platforms). More than
two thirds (69%) reported that the victim was one or more girls, and about one fifth
(23%) that it was one or more young men or a group of girls or young men.
Compared with some previous research on online violence in Serbia, cyberbullying is less
prevalent among university students than among high school students. The results of
this study provides information on online violence at the university level, which has the
potential to inform the development of more appropriate policies that include
preventive and intervention measures
Između permanentne krize i reforme: jugoslovensko samoupravljanje i Zakon o udruženom radu (1976)
No full textJugoslovensko samoupravljanje je, u svojoj četrdesetogodišnjoj istoriji, prolazilo
kroz razne faze transformisanja i prestrukturiranja koje se mogu objasniti
sučeljavanjem sa izazovima koje su donosile česte društveno-ekonomske krize i
političke dileme u zemlji. Početkom 1970-ih, jugoslovenski sistem je, prvo ustavnim
amandmanima a onda i donošenjem novog Ustava, poprimio svoju konačnu formu.
U sklopu tih promena, donet je i Zakon o udruženom radu (1976), jedan od
temeljnih akata, koji je imao za cilj da do kraja definiše pravni okvir jugoslovenskog
samoupravljanja. U praksi, Zakon se pokazao nedovoljno efikasnim, pa je još tokom
socijalizma, a naročito nakon raspada zemlje, postao predmet brojnih kritika i
osporavanja. Izlaganje ima za cilj da predstavi glavne implikacije koje su dovele do
donošenja Zakona, kao i da ispita kakvo je bilo njegovo mesto u idejnom okviru
jugoslovenskog samoupravljanja. U krajnjem ishodu, razmatraće se šire pitanje
permanentne krize jugoslovenskog samoupravljanja i nastojenja da se ona
prevaziđe
O nedostatku deliberacije intelektualne elite u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji
No full textPitanje (dez)angažmana intelektualaca u društveno-poli tičkom životu jedno je od komplikovanih, kompleksnih i kontroverznih pitanja društvenih nauka. Predstava da je intelektualac zdušno angažovan u okvirima građanskog društva kao i da ima opozicioni stav prema moći postojećeg po retka, od velikog je uticaja u društvenim naukama. U tekstu ću se baviti anga žmanom srpskih intelektualaca u postpetooktobarskom periodu, njihovim di lemama i preprekama koje percipiraju u odnosu na svoj angažman u društveno političkom životu Srbije. Na kraju ću se osvrnuti na nedostatak deliberacije intelektualaca u polarizovanom društvu Srbije