University of Arts in Belgrade
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Divine Genius, Subversive Hero, or Creative Entrepreneur? Exploring Various Facets of the Artist as a Mythical Figure
No full textPeople have always related art to the creation and transmission of myths. While myth as a theme in art has been thoroughly addressed, research about the “mythic” nature of the artist figure is far less common. The 20th and 21st centuries brought challenges to the status of art and artists in society, historically situated archetypes and stereotypes that we associate with the figure of the “artist” still survive to this day (e.g. “genius”, “subversive artists”, “child prodigy”, “eccentric”, etc.). In this paper, we set out to analyze various tropes used persistently to describe artists and explore how relevant the resulting myths are in (self) perceptions of Serbian contemporary artists. Our multidisciplinary approach to this topic combines a historicaltheoretical and empirical perspective. Through historical research of the relevant literature, we described and mapped the key tropes of the (mythical) artist figure as it developed in Western culture. In the theoretical analysis we address the inseparability of digital culture with everyday life of people today, which we call postdigital. We explore how the transition into contemporaneity affects the determination of the “artistfigure”, i.e., how it impacts the contemporary process of mythmaking. Following our historicaltheoretical analysis, we conducted five indepth interviews with contemporary Serbian artists to understand better how relevant the artist myth tropes are for their selfperception.Tema broja - Hit I identitet: kroskulturalni I intertemporalni pristup (ur. Đurđina Šijaković Maidanik) / Topic of the Issue - Myth and Identity: A Cross-Cultural and Intertemporal Approach (ed. Djurdjina Šijaković Maidanik)
Poverenje i ganutost kao forme angažmana u situacijama neizvesnosti
No full textThe main aim of this paper is to put emphasis on the role of trust and the emotion of being moved in a situation of crisis. I do not intend to address the general role, or all roles, these emotions might have in a crisis situation. My focus is rather on the role of these emotions in we-formation, presupposing that mutual engagement between the actors is the crucial constituent through which first-person singular shifts to first-person plural. I rely on Bennet Helm’s argument on how trust can function as an invitation to delineate communal norms in the new circumstances of uncertainty. Accordingly, by being trusted by other(s), the addressee is entitled to the expected responsibility for a situation: (1) the addressee is entitled as a member of a group (of us who are responsible in the situation); (2) the addressee is exposed to pressure to respond to a situation with responsibility. In the second part, I adopt Cova’s and Deonna’s argument about the function of the emotion of being moved. I suggest that in such a situation “being moved” expresses the readiness to reorganize one’s hierarchy of values in the light of new circumstances of mutual dependency. Taken together, trust and being moved portray the outline of mutual engagement between the actors in a crisis situation which aims to establish new communal norms and values.Glavna namera ovog teksta je da naglasi ulogu poverenja i ganutosti u kriznim situacijama. Neću se baviti opštom ulogom, ili svim ulogama ovih emocija u krizi. Fokus će pre biti usmeren na ulogu ovih emocija u formiranju „mi“, pretpostavljajući da je uzajamni angažman između aktera suštinski faktor putem koga prvo lice jednine prelazi u prvo lice množine. Oslanjaću se na argument Beneta Helma o tome kako poverenje figurira kao poziv da se iscrtaju komunalne norme u novim okolnostima neizvesnosti. Prema ovom argumentu, kada mu drugi veruju, primalac poverenja je oslovljen za relevantnu odgovornost u datoj situaciji: (1) primalac poverenja je oslovljen kao član grupe (nas koji smo odgovorni); (2) primalac poverenja je izložen pritisku da odgovori na datu situaciju sa odgovornošću. U drugom delu članku prilagodiću argument koji su izneli Kova i Deona o funkciji ganutosti. Sugerisaću da u kriznim situacijama ganutost izražava spremnost da reorganizujemo hijerarhiju vrednosti u svetlu novih okolnosti međusobne zavisnosti. Uzete zajedno, emocije poverenja i ganutosti ocrtavaju skicu uzajamnog angažmana između aktera u situacijama krize, kako bi se ustanovile nove komunalne norme i vrednosti
Frazeologija “bez značenja”: politke praznine
No full textWe have heard many times expressions such as: “empty words”, “empty talk”, “hot air”, but is there really an empty “phraseology”, one that does not mean anything, i.e., that does not have a clear referent (the idea it refers to)? Showing the possibilities of such phraseology without meaning, the paper examines its use in politics, focusing on bureaucratic language that shapes our political reality, and can be found in many constitutional documents of the EU, US, or even UN. Namely, we will try to show that between general and particular meaning, there is a huge gap, an emptiness, which is used by a certain type of speech, in order to absorb every other language and its performative powers. Our criticism will move in two directions: the first has the task of showing the meaning(less) character of political bureaucratic phraseology as such, and its passivizing or non-affirmative effects. The other one comes down to examining the ideological background of Eurocentrism, detecting the hegemonic character of the idea of Europe (and Western civilizations) embedded in its political language. Starting from Ernesto Laclau’s understanding of the “empty signifier” and the necessary function it has in the foundation of the system (especially a hegemonic one), through the history of the discourse of the idea of Europe, we will show the possibility and use of “emptiness” in meaning, especially when it comes to core values that are set for the foundation of one’s politics.Više puta smo čuli za izraze poput „prazne reči“, „prazna priča“, „mlati praznu slamu“, ali da li zaista postoji prazna frazeologija, koja ništa ne znači, koja nema jasnog referenta (ideju na koju upućuje)? Prikazujući mogućnost takve frazeologije bez značenja, rad ispituje njenu upotrebu u politici, fokusirajući se na birokratski jezik koji utiče na oblikovanje političke stvarnosti, a nalazi se u mnogim ustavnim ili vrednosno utemeljujućim dokumentima, EU, Amerike, pa čak i UN-a. Pokušaćemo da pokažemo da između opšteg i pojedinačnog značenja postoji ogromna praznina, praznina koju određena vrsta govora koristi kako bi apsorbovala svaki drugi jezik sa svim njegovim performativnim moćima. Kritika takve frazeologije kretaće se u dva pravca: prvi ima zadatak da pokaže (bez)značenjski karakter političke birokratske frazeologije, te njene pasivizirajuće ili neafirmativne efekte. Drugi se svodi na ispitivanje ideološke pozadine evro-centrizma, otkrivanje hegemonističkog karaktera ideje Evrope (ali i Zapadne civilizacije) ugrađene u njen politički jezik. Polazeći od Ernesta Lakloa, njegovog shvatanja „praznog označitelja“ te neophodne funkcije koju taj pojam ima u temeljima svakog sistema (pogotovo hegemonskog), kroz istoriju diskursa ideje Evrope, pokazaćemo mogućnosti i upotrebu „praznine“ u značenju, naročito kada je reč o osnovnim vrednostima koje su ugrađene u temelje jedne politike
Therapy Culture and Self-Help Culture in Post-Socialist Countries of the Western Balkans – the Neoliberal Transition and New Imaginaries of Subjectivity
No full textThe existing research on therapy culture and self-help culture in the
countries of the Western Balkans has so far been highly empirically
oriented. Therefore, there is a noticeable lack of theoretical
conceptualization and historical contextualization in the corpus of
available research. By doing a metasynthesis of existing research on
therapy culture and self-help culture in the countries of the Western
Balkans we aim to develop an appropriate theoretical framework for
their future study which would adequately relate these phenomenon
to important historical developments in this part of Europe. This
theoretical framework will be based on the conceptual apparatus of
the “governmentality approach”, adjusted for the study of postsocialist
contexts. We will argue that, by using this approach,
therapy culture and self-help culture in the Western Balkans can be
best understood as a multiplicity of technologies of the self, that
are used by citizens as instruments of adjusting their subjectivity in
forms of neoliberal governmentality, adopted by their governments
since the early 2000s. We will conclude by presenting some
advantages and disadvantages of this theoretical framework
Leaving No One Behind, Leaving No One Unaccountable: Ombuds Institutions, Good (Security Sector) Governance and Sustainable Development Goal 16
No full textThis study explores how ombuds institutions, here defined as independent oversight bodies that
receive complaints and investigate matters pertaining to the protection and promotion of human
rights and/or maladministration, can contribute to the realization of the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable
Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The focus of the study is
on SDG 16, because it is devoted to promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable
development, providing access to justice for all, and building effective, accountable, and inclusive
institutions at all levels. In other words, this SDG is aligned the most with the mandate and
functions of ombuds institutions. Another reason for the focus on SDG 16 is the attempt of this
study to add the security sector into the equation, where and when possible. This is done by connecting
the SDG framework with the concept of security sector governance (SSG) and security
sector reform (SSR), and the principles that guide them.
With their unique position in-between three branches of power, the mandate to oversee public
administration (including the security sector) and protect human rights, ombuds institutions
are well-placed to play an important role in national efforts to fulfil the SDGs. However, the key
argument of this research is that their main role should be to support and contribute, not to lead.
Achieving the SDGs calls for a strong web of institutions and partnerships. Ombuds institutions
(and other forms of national human rights institutions: NHRIs) are central national human
rights actors but must not be expected to lead the realization of human rights-based SDGs. They
cannot be the only game in town. In fact, for a number of the SDG 16 targets, ombuds institutions
should primarily serve as accountability mechanisms. They should work with, pressure,
and make public administration accountable, in cases when the administration as the primary
duty-bearer fails to protect the rights of citizens and when their actions fall short of the standards
needed to achieve the SDGs. This particularly applies to security sector institutions, considering
that their actions, particularly of the police and security services, may interfere with human
rights in an unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep
into the private lives of citizens.
The central assumption of this study is that ombuds institutions can contribute to achieving
all SDG 16 targets. To demonstrate how this could be done in practice, the research explores the role of ombuds institutions in achieving SDG 16 by looking at both implementation and
accountability. The former is captured under the title ‘leaving no one behind’ and the latter under
‘leaving no one unaccountable.’ Leaving no one behind is a central credo of the 2030 Agenda. It
is highly relevant for SDG 16, as well as SSG/R, due to the centrality of the principles of responsiveness
and participation, which posit that the security sector should respond to the security
needs of all, and conversely, all should be involved, to the extent possible, in the development of
security policies.
SDG 16 stresses the need for strong institutions that are built on respect for human rights,
effective rule of law, and good governance at all levels. It is arguably one of the most ambitious
goals in the 2030 Agenda because it is not simply a goal by itself but also an enabler for the
achievement of other goals. Nonetheless, as this study demonstrates, many SDG 16 targets are
rather vague, and limited guidance exists on how to measure and achieve them, especially in
fragile contexts. This study thus provides guidance and recommendations to ombuds institutions
and other actors on how to best support each other in achieving SDG 16
Ko su bili liberali i konzervativci u Jugoslaviji krajem 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih? Sukob između centrističkih frakcija
No full textThe article challenges conventional political classifications, arguing that
real-world politics defy simplistic labels due to pragmatic factors, internal
and external influences. In the Yugoslav context of the late 1960s and
early 1970s, the terms “conservatism” and “liberalism” were complex,
entangled in Cold War dynamics and intra-party struggles. The article
explores the intertwined nature of nationalism and socialism, suggesting
that even communism as ideology historically stemmed from collectivist
nationalism. It delves into the liberal-conservative entanglement (mostly
in Serbia, with some reflections on the other Yugoslav Republics) during
this period, highlighting the blurred lines between these labels. The article
discusses a political centrism that emerged, reflecting not only on the
Yugoslav position, but possibly also a deeper Central European tendency.
In so doing, it refrains from definitive answers, presenting a complex
picture of events, emphasizing the multifaceted nature of historical
causality and human identity within the socialist prism.Članak dovodi u pitanje konvencionalne političke klasifikacije, tvrdeći da stvarni politički događaji izmiču pojednostavljenim oznakama, što zbog pragmatičnih faktora, što zbog unutrašnjih i spoljnih uticaja. U jugoslavenskom kontekstu kasnih 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih, pojmovi „konzervatizam“ i „liberalizam“ bili su kompleksni, uslovljeni hladnoratovskim dinamikama
i unutarpartijskim borbama. Takođe, članak ističe povezanu prirodu nacionalizma i socijalizma, sugerišući da se čak i unutar okvira vladajućih komunizama razvijao kolektivistički etnički
nacionalizam. Bavi se složenom naravi liberalno-konzervativnih odnosa (uglavnom u Srbiji, s
nekim osvrtima i na druge republike) tokom ovog razdoblja, ističući zamagljene granice između tih oznaka. Članak se suzdržava od definitivnih odgovora, predstavljajući kompleksnu
sliku događaja, naglašavajući višeslojnu prirodu povesne uzročnosti i ljudskog identiteta unutar socijalističkog okvira. Članak raspravlja o svojevrsnom političkom centrizmu koji se pojavio, odražavajući ne samo jedinstveni jugoslavenski položaj, već moguće i dublji srednjoevropski refleks