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Imperija nikad nije završena: Hegel, postmodernizam i komedija
No full textThis paper argues that Hegel’s account of modernity is already an account of postmodernity, according to Fredric Jameson’s definition of the cultural logic of globalized capitalism. First, Hegel’s account of the problematic of modernity will be sought in the Phenomenology of Spirit by considering the constellation of Athens, Rome and Christianity along with Hegel’s contrast between tragedy and comedy in the “Religion” chapter, in order to present a philosophical account of a concrete problem connecting social, political and economic structures with their own self-representations. The core problematic will become instantiated in the legal figure of the “person” and the social world-structure of “empire”, associated with both Roman legality and comedy. It will be argued that Hegel’s socio-historical relevance today hinges on drawing a connection between Jameson’s periodization of Realism-Modernism-Postmodernism and Hegel’s aesthetic cultural categories of Epic-Tragedy-Comedy, and not Greece-Rome- Christianity. On this basis, the Phenomenology of Spirit stands as Hegel’s own “cognitive map”, for which comedy designates a problematic extreme of a social regime of representation commensurate with the contemporary cultural logic of late and imperial capitalism.Apstrakt
Ovaj rad pokazuje da je Hegelov prikaz modernosti već prikaz postmodernosti prema defi niciji kulturne logike globalizovanog kapitalizma Fredrika Džejmsona. Prvo, Hegelov prikaz
problematike modernosti će se analizirati u Fenomenologiji duha kroz razmatranje sazvežđa
Atine, Rima i hrišćanstva zajedno sa Hegelovim kontrastom između tragedije i komedije u
poglavlju „Religija“, kako bi se predstavio filozofski prikaz konkretnog problema povezivanja
društvenih, političkih i ekonomskih struktura sa njihovim sopstvenim reprezentacijama. Su štinski problem će postati instanciran u pravnoj figuri „osobe“ i društvenoj strukturi sveta
„carstva“, te povezan sa rimskom zakonitošću i komedijom. Tvrdnja koja se brani jeste da He gelova društveno-istorijska relevantnost danas zavisi od povlačenja veze između Džejmso nove periodizacije Realizma-Modernizma-Postmodernizma i Hegelovih estetskih kulturnih
kategorija Ep-Tragedija-Komedija, a ne Grčka-Rim-Hrišćanstvo. Na osnovu toga, Fenomeno logija duha stoji kao Hegelova sopstvena „kognitivna mapa“, za koju komedija označava pro blematičan ekstrem društvenog režima reprezentacije koji je srazmeran savremenoj kulturnoj
logici kasnog i imperijalnog kapitalizma
Delez i hegelijanska država
No full textThis paper analyses Gilles Deleuze’s political philosophy in relation to the Hegelian concept of the State. To do this, we identify three interpretations of the term “State” in Deleuze’s work: 1) as the reference point defining the three forms of socius presented in Anti-Oedipus (primitive territorial, barbarian despotic, and civilized capitalist); 2) as a defining trait of the despotic socius form; and 3) as the internalization of this form (Urstaat). Deleuze emerges as a harsh critic of the State in each of these interpretations. However, the subsequent part of the paper reveals that this critique does not advocate for societal fragmentation. By comparing Deleuze’s political philosophy with Hegel’s, we demonstrate that the forms of socius in Deleuze’s system occupy the conceptual place of the State in Hegel’s framework. Through an exploration of the role of differential calculus in the ontology of both philosophers, we establish the groundwork for a philosophical examination of the dominant social relation in the modern world (which is capitalism and not the State) and the prerequisites for a novel political socius.Ovaj rad analizira političku filozofiju Žila Deleza u odnosu na hegelijanski koncept države.
Da bismo to uradili, identifikujemo tri interpretacije pojma „država“ u Delezovim delima: 1)
kao referentnu tačku koja definiše tri oblika socius-a kako je predstavljena u Anti-Edipu (pri mitivni teritorijalni, varvarski despotski i civilizovani kapitalistički); 2) kao određujuću crtu
despotske socius forme; i 3) kao internalizaciju ovog oblika (Urstaat). Delez se u svakoj od
ovih interpretacija pojavljuje kao oštar kritičar države. Međutim, sledeći deo rada otkriva da
se ova kritika ne zalaže za fragmentaciju društva. Upoređivanjem Delezove političke filozo fije sa Hegelovom, pokazujemo da oblici socius-a u Delezovom sistemu zauzimaju konceptu alno mesto Države u Hegelovom okviru. Kroz istraživanje uloge diferencijalnog računa u
ontologiji oba filozofa, uspostavljamo osnovu za filozofsko ispitivanje dominantnog društve nog odnosa u savremenom svetu (koji je kapitalizam, a ne država) i preduslove za novi poli tički socius
Heterogenost Frojdovog znaka: Kristevina semiotička hora i Lakanov pojam jejezika
No full textIn this contribution, our aim is to explore and analyse the interplay between the approaches of Julia Kristeva and Jacques Lacan during the 1970s. By seeking to transcend the limitations inherent in the structuralist framework, both authors endeavour to introduce new concepts that can account for the heterogeneity of Freudian sign. Previous studies examining the relationship between these two authors predominantly focused on Kristeva’s critique of Lacanian structuralist theory during the 1950s. From this standpoint, the semiotic chora is perceived as a force that fundamentally challenges Lacanian concepts. However, it is important to note that Kristeva was acquainted with Lacan’s later teachings, particularly the notion of lalangue that he introduced. Our argument posits that her critique stems from a misinterpretation of certain key concepts that Lacan put forth in the 1970s. Moreover, while Lacan would abandon the dialectical relationship in favour of the logic of triplicity, Kristeva continued to engage with the notion of heterogeneity through the lens of Hegelian dialectics.Apstrakt
Ovaj rad analizira interakciju između pristupa Julije Kristeve i Žaka Lakana tokom 1970-ih.
Nastojeći da prevaziđu ograničenja svojstvena strukturalističkom okviru, oba autora uvode
nove koncepte koji mogu objasniti heterogenost frojdovskog znaka. Prethodne studije koje
su ispitivale odnos između ova dva autora uglavnom su se fokusirale na Kristevinu kritiku
lakanovske strukturalističke teorije tokom 1950-ih. Sa ovog stanovišta, semiotička hora su štinski dovodi u pitanje lakanovske koncepte. Međutim, važno je napomenuti da je Kristeva
bila upoznata sa kasnijim Lakanovim učenjem, posebno sa pojmom jejezik. Njena kritika pro izilazi iz pogrešnog tumačenja određenih ključnih koncepata koje je Lakan formulisao tokom
1970-ih. Štaviše, dok će Lakan napustiti dijalektički odnos u korist logike trostrukosti, Kris teva nastavlja da se bavi pojmom heterogenosti kroz prizmu hegelijanske dijalektike
The (un)willingness to change
No full textDario Fo, the Italian playwright and Nobelist, allegedly proposed an anthropological-political dichotomy between proponents of change and those who resist it, that is those who believe in change and those who do not. The former would be followers of Heraclitus, and the latter of Plato. However, history tells us also that the Ephesian aristocrat, Heraclitus, misanthropically withdrew from society, disillusioned with his fellow citizens, while the Athenian aristocrat, Plato, challenging prevailing norms, actively sought to influence political thought and shape politicians of his time, both in Syracuse and Athens. This prompts an examination of whether or not this dichotomy accurately reflects Heraclitus’s and Plato’s teachings, and allows a possible perspective on whether or not similar distinctions and parallels can also be valid when it comes to some authors in
odern times. Moreover, we aim to explore how change advocacy and engagement intersects with belief in change, and under what conditions, from the philosophical perspective, disbelief in changes and active resistance to them is or could be meaningful
Epicurus’ Attempt to Establish Freedom
No full textU radu se eksplicira epikurejska materijalistička slika svijeta koja, postulirajući isključivo postojanje atoma kao osnovnih konstituenata svega postoje- ćeg, isključuje svaki drugi oblik nastanka svijeta, posebno bogove. Prilikom pravoli- nijskog kretanja atoma, koji padaju odozgo prema dolje u paralelnim linijama, ništa se nikada dogodilo ne bi da ne dolazi do izuzetno malog skretanja atoma sa uobiča- jene putanje. Samo skretanje, kao inherentno svojstvo atoma, pored toga što omogu- ćava sudaranje atoma i stvaranje njihovih konglomerata, tj. svega što postoji, ono, kako je Epikur smatrao, omogućava i samu slobodu, tj. slobodu volje i odlučivanja kod čovjeka. U radu se pokazuje da skretanje atoma, iako možda nužan, nije i dovoljan uslov za pripisivanje slobode subjektu.The paper explicates the Epicurean materialistic worldview which, by positing exclusively the existence of atoms as the basic constituents of everything existing, excludes any other form of the world’s origin, especially gods. During the perpendicularly motion of atoms, falling from above downwards in parallel lines, nothing would ever happen if there were no extremely small swerve of atoms from their usual path. Only swerve, as an inherent property of atoms, besides enabling the collision of atoms and the formation of their conglomerates, i.e., everything that exists, also, as Epicurus believed, enables freedom itself, i.e., freedom of will and decision-making in humans. The paper demonstrates that the swerve of atoms, although perhaps necessary, is not a sufficient condition for attributing freedom to the agents
Ponovno razmatranje post-islamizma deceniju nakon arapskog proleća
No full textThe Arab Spring uprisings marked a watershed moment in regional politics, significantly impacting Islamist movements in terms of strategies, ideologies, and organizational structures. Accordingly, this paper examines whether these dramatic events strengthened or weakened the post-Islamist evolution of traditional political Islam movements, focusing on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (E-MB) and the Tunisian Ennahda Movement Party (EMP) as case studies. The proposed hypothesis is that the Arab Spring has variably influenced Islamists. In Egypt, it initially weakened the post-Islamist turn of the E-MB. However, owing to the 2013 coup and subsequent repression, the E-MB was politically excluded and weakened, creating a vacuum that was filled by various forms of less political or non-ideological forms of Islamic activism. The Tunisian Islamists had a different story. The Arab Spring seems to have strengthened their transition to post-Islamism. In its tenth conference, the EMP declared its exit from political Islam, adopting the new concept of Muslim Democracy. Even after the presidential takeover in July 2021, which resulted in the political exclusion of the EMP, the Work and Achievement party that defected from it maintained clear post-Islamist features.Pobune Arapskog proleća bile su prekretnica u regionalnoj politici koje su imale i značajan
uticaj na islamističke pokrete u smislu strategija, ideologija i organizacionih struktura. Shodno tome, ovaj rad istražuje da li su ovi dramatični događaji ojačali ili oslabili post-islamistički
razvoj tradicionalnih političkih islamskih pokreta, fokusirajući se na egipatsku Muslimansku
braću (E-MB) i tunisku partiju Pokret Enahda (EMP) kao studije slučaja. Predložena hipoteza
je da je arapsko proleće imalo promenljiv uticaj na islamiste. U Egiptu je u početku oslabio
post-islamistički zaokret E-MB. Međutim, državni udar iz 2013. godine i represija koja je nakon toga usledila, ostavili su E-MB politički marginalizovanu i oslabljenu, stvarajući vakuum
ispunjen manje političkim ili neideološkim oblicima islamskog aktivizma. Tuniski islamisti su
imali drugačiju priču. Čini se da je arapsko proleće potvrdilo njihov prelazak na post-islamizam. Na svojoj desetoj konferenciji, EMP je proglasila napuštanje političkog islama, prihvatajući novi koncept muslimanske demokratije. Čak i nakon predsedničkih izbora u julu 2021.
godine, koji su rezultirali političkim isključenjem EMP-a, partija Rada i rezultata koja se odvojila od EMP-a pokazala je jasne postislamističke crte
Uncovering the ontology of social change
No full textI start this talk with the following assumption: if we understand the ontology of social change, we are enabled to deliberately initiate it in a socially desired direction. Therefore, the main aim of this talk is to examine this ontology. To that aim, I further assume that social change happens when there is a change in social norms; thus, to uncover the ontology of social change, we need to uncover the ontology of social norms. By doing so, I claim that we can understand what social actions are necessary for initiating social change. Next, I use the framework of Cultural Cognitive Causal Chains (CCCC) to explain the ontology of social norms. CCCC are used to elucidate how cultural phenomena (e.g., social norms) exist. In this framework, cultural phenomena are defined as long-lasting and widely distributed cultural representations understood as a causal complex of two different kinds of representations: mental representations and public productions. Mental representations include things “in the head” such as beliefs, intentions, desires, etc., and public productions include social objects such as works of art, utterances, written symbols, etc. In the last part of my talk, my ultimate goal is to show that CCCC can be used for clarifying how causal and constitutive social construction cooperate in construing social kinds such as social beliefs and social objects. To do so, I first compare the framework of CCCC and Sally Haslanger’s ontology of social structures to demonstrate their similarities. Then, contra Haslanger and Esa Díaz-León, I state my reasons for holding that causal social construction is relevant for those who aim to design strategies for achieving social change. Lastly, I claim that social change as a change in social norms can be deliberately initiated in a socially desired direction by manipulating the social objects constituted by causally constructed public meanings