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Histories that tear us apart: the interplay of attachment toward historical narratives and entrenched identities in Balkans’ post-conflict societies.
No full textIn the Balkans, the history still divides us. This study examined the interplay between
perceptions of history, patriotism, and perceptions of adversarial groups and their historical
narratives in two enduring and recently revived conflicts. In Serbia, we examined how
attachment to the dominant historical narratives of the ethnic group (FENCE) affected
openness to counter-narratives in general and to a specific counter-narrative related to the
history of Kosovo. We presented a counter-narrative about the inter-ethnic relations of
Serbians and Albanians, showcasing repressive policies toward Albanians by the Yugoslav
government before World War II. A survey among ethnic Serbs (N = 233) revealed positive
relations between FENCE and both blind and constructive patriotism and the ethos of conflict.
Attachment to dominant narratives predicted the lack of openness to counter-narratives.
Important, this measure mediated the relationship between blind patriotism and adverse
reactions to the counter-narrative depicting the ethnic ingroup in a negative light. In
Macedonia, the study focused on the recently polarized conflict between Bulgaria and
Macedonia that delves around the specificity of the Macedonian ethnic identity, which is
challenged as a separate identity by Bulgarians. A survey study (N = 300) showed that
attachment to the dominant narratives fully mediated the relationship between blind patriotism
and (negative) attitudes toward the dispute with Bulgaria, which has significant political
consequences for the country. These findings suggest that nurturing a critical view of the
dominant one-sided narratives is crucial in advancing perceptions of commonality and
inclusiveness in society
Heidegger and Derrida: Being as the Transcendental Ground or as the Ultimate Metaphysical Signifier
No full textFor my presentation it is important to confront some of Heidegger’s fundamental
considerations regarding the primacy of the question of being with Derrida’s objection
that being necessarily remains a part of the metaphysically shaped designated
relationship. Heidegger sees being as the transcendental ground or the condition of the
possibility of understanding the world. Being is not to be understood as a thing, nor as
an all-encompassing thing in a metaphysical sense, but always as given in different
ways of being. Derrida claims that every adherence to the question of being only
perpetuates the metaphysical question. Accordingly, being is the ultimate, last signifier
within a metaphysical designation relationship (signified/being-signifier/entity).
Derrida would rather place the emphasis on the material basis of the linguistic sign, on
the traces left behind by the original meaningful actions
Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe: How to Engage in Flawed Democracies
No full textThis volume strengthens the dialogue between conceptual perspectives, approaches and fields on deliberative and participatory forms of democratic innovation and offers novel insights, focusing on the Southeast European space. Traditional forms of participation seem insufficient in satisfying the growing complexity of the democratic processes, especially in the context of autocratizing societies. It is crucial to examine the possibilities of democratic innovation in political research and practice, trying to establish a connection between the possibilities and limits of representative democracy and social movements as possible carriers of the process of democratic innovation. This book offers novel insights into practices of civil society and social movements and their pathways carved to initiate a deep change in political thinking and practice and compelling insights for scholars and students of Southeast Europe, social movements and democracy
Pregled tribina i konferencija u Institutu za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju za 2023. godinu
No full textGoldschmidt and Yiddish Anarchism
No full textWhile Hermann Levin Goldschmidt didn’t read Yiddish anarchists, there
seems to have been a convergent evolution in their thinking. Goldschmidt’s looking up to Jewish lore as a source of liberating creativity is commonly encountered
in Yiddish anarchist texts. His view of action as a constant response to internal and
external challenges in the struggle for an open future is developed by Isaac Nachman Steinberg on the basis of nineteenth-century vitalism. Goldschmidt’s theory of
anarchist individualism as willed self-limiting solidarity has a compelling parallel
in Hillel Solotaroff ’s view of history. His use of impressionism and photography to
eternalize the immediacy of human actuality is akin to Rudolf Rocker’s championing
of decadent literature. In both cases, the goal of anarchism is not a dictatorship of
the former downtrodden, but a continuous and contradictory evolution of freedom
in ever-changing contexts
„Bad Taste“ as Cultural Resistance: Fesram And The Crap Music Debate In Serbia
No full textU ovom članku razmatram no-budget muzički događaj Fesram (Festival sranje muzike) kao rezultat specifične forme kulturnog otpora društvenoj realnosti Srbije u protekloj deceniji. U uvodnom delu situiram Fesram u kontekst postojećih formi političkog otpora trenutno dominantnom političkom režimu u Srbiji. U drugom delu bavim se konceptom „loše muzike“ u istorijskom i kulturnom kontekstu Srbije, a posebno njenim akademskim razmatranjima i širim kulturnim i političkim implikacijama. U trećem delu raspravljam o Fesramu, njegovoj pozadini, načinu funkcionisanja i komunikaciji s publikom. Četvrti deo odnosi se na Fesramov obračun sa kulturnim stereotipima duboko ukorenjenim u srpskom društvu i odsustvom društvene kritike u zvaničnoj kulturnoj sferi. U zaključnom delu analiziram Fesram kao oblik „diskretnog aktivizma“ kojem se pribegava u okolnostima kada drugi oblici političkog otpora ne deluju.The recent social developments in Serbia have established a new model of political
monopolies and an effective return to the one-party regime. Such absence of alternatives in the official political sphere provokes three basic forms of resistance: complete disillusionment with the political system and its major exponents which results
in political abstinence; mass protests in response to concrete instances of abuse of
political power and informal cultural initiatives which communicate political messages through the critique of the politicisation of the cultural sphere. In this paper, the
case study for this form of political resistance is the independently produced, low-budget music festival Fesram (Festival sranje muzike or Festival of Crap Music), active between 2012 and 2019, which at the same time challenged the political and cultural
systems in the country, and their respective core values.
The introductory part of the article situates Fesram in the context of the existing forms
of political resistance to the currently dominant political regime. The second part discusses the concept of „bad music“ in the Serbian cultural context, its history and academic treatment (or lack thereof), and its wider cultural and political implications.
The third part discusses Fesram, its background, and practices. The fourth part discusses Fesram’s manner of dealing with the cultural stereotypes prevailing throughout
Serbian history and the perceived absence of social criticism in Serbia’s official cultural
sphere. In the concluding part Fesram is observed as a form of „discreet activism“ resorted to in circumstances in which other forms of political resistance seem to fail.
Without permanent funding, venues or a fixed time-frame, Fesram changed its dates
and locations, spontaneously responding to current goings-on in Belgrade and Serbia,
and communicated with its audiences mainly through its Facebook page. Playing with
ideological opposites, confronting them in „outrageous“ combinations (musical, verbal and visual) Fesram invited its audiences to critically (or even un-critically) distance
themselves from the extreme poles of the political spectrum. Although it parodied
characters from the official political and cultural spheres and mocked the language of
tabloid media and the prevailing political jargon, Fesram did not align with any established political option, inviting its audience to think beyond the existing political system and question the society’s core values. Fesram was not didactic: it communicated
exclusively by annoying anyone who failed to receive its messages. And Fesram’s probably most important message is that Serbian society has nurtured false cultural values
and associated political doctrines for far too long and that it has only itself to blame
for the condition it has found itself in. This erratic music festival had not only shaped
an alternative form of activism, but a new type of „activist citizen“ who understands
the meaning of „crap“ (whether in music, culture, politics or society in general) and
the importance of this understanding. Fesram also showed that political resistance
goes hand in hand with resistance to the cultural values propelling political action
Energetic Poverty, Energy Transition and Residents of Substandard Romani Settlements In Serbia
No full textU ovom tekstu analizirani su pozicija i potencijal podstandardnih romskih naselja da budu učesnici pravedne energetske tranzicije i time umanje rizik od energetskog siromaštva, kako bi se unapredio kvalitet života stanovnika podstandardnih romskih naselja. Srbija se nalazi pred novom tranzicijom, koja će ovog puta biti energetska, što podrazumeva prelazak iz sistema u kojem se za proizvodnju energije dominantno koriste neobnovljivi izvori na sistem koji je zasnovan na korišćenju obnovljivih izvora energije. Iskustva ekonomske tranzicije govore da je broj „gubitnika“ ove tranzicije bio značajno veći nego broj onih koji su iz ekonomske tranzicije profitirali. Da se takva situacija ne bi ponovila i sa energetskom tranzicijom, neophodno je u njenu implementaciju uvesti princip pravednosti i socijalne osetljivosti, kako bi se zaštitili najsiromašniji građani koji se nalaze u riziku od energetskog siromaštva a koji su potencijalni gubitnici energetske tranzicije. Ukoliko se realizuje pravovremeno i uz poštovanje socijalne osetljivosti, pravedna energetska tranzicija mogla bi da omogući prelazak na obnovljive izvore energije i time postigne umanjenje efekta klimatskih promena, uz unapređenje kvaliteta života svih ljudi sa naglaskom na onima koji se nalaze u marginalizovanim pozicijama.This text analyzes the position and potential of substandard Roma settlements to be
participants in a just energy transition and thereby reduce the risk of energy poverty,
in order to improve the quality of life of the inhabitants of substandard Roma settlements. Serbia is facing a new transition, which this time will be an energy transition, a
transition from a system in which non-renewable sources are dominantly used for energy production to a system based on the use of renewable energy sources. The experiences of the economic transition show that the number of “losers“ of this transition was significantly higher than the number of those who profited from it. In order
not to repeat such a situation with the energy transition, it is necessary to introduce
fairness and social sensitivity in its implementation, in order to protect the poorest
citizens who are at risk of energy poverty and who are potential losers of the energy
transition. If realized in a timely manner and with social sensitivity, a fair energy transition could enable the transition to renewable energy sources and thereby reduce the
effects of climate change, while improving the quality of life of all people, with an emphasis on those in the most marginalized positions
Ancient Polis as a Fertile Ground for Reimagining Contemporary Pleasurable Places
No full textThis paper deals with the contemporary, dynamic relation between people and the places they inhabit, by examining whether relative antique philosophical concepts – eudaimonia and hedonism – might serve as a basis for what we call today well-being. Further, this paper explores Socrates’ and Plato’s belief that a polis (ancient city-state) was a significant social phenomenon, far more important than individuals’ well-being. Building upon this premise, the paper navigates the intricate relationship between individual and collective wellbeing within modern urban contexts. The thin line between hedonism and self-interest is investigated in the contemporary urban framework – that of an individualistic, consumerist, and materialistic world, with limited and shared spaces and resources. In conclusion, this paper advocates for a rethinking of the ancient Greek polis as a source of inspiration for reimagining urban futures, by integrating historical wisdom with contemporary urban planning practices to foster more equitable, sustainable, and fulfilling urban environments
