University of Arts in Belgrade
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Pronalaženje pravog prevoda za „mir“ u zemlji rata
No full textThis article explores the capture of the notion of “protection” by the State and its institutions – police, army, and the law – and its weaponization by carceral feminism. It means first studying how the terms “war” and “peace” have been weaponized by imperialism and the State, then addressing antiracist, anti-patriarchal, anti-imperialist and feminist decolonial politics of protection. In other words, how discourses about war and peace, and their implementations, have been deployed to justify a protection that rests on the criminalization and incarceration of those who dissent, on military interventions, creation of armed militia, legitimation of police violence, militarization of public space, and surveillance.Ovaj članak istražuje prisvajanje pojma „zaštite“ od strane države i njenih institucija – policije, vojske i zakona – i njegovo oružavanje kroz karceralni feminizam. To znači da je najpre
potrebno proučiti kako su pojmovi „rat“ i „mir“ bili oružani od strane imperijalizma i države,
a zatim se osvrnuti na antirasističke, antipatrijarhalne, antiimperijalističke i feminističke dekolonijalne politike zaštite. Drugim rečima, kako su diskursi o ratu i miru i njihova sprovođenja korišćeni da bi se opravdala zaštita koja se zasniva na kriminalizaciji i zatvaranju onih koji
se protive, na vojnim intervencijama, stvaranju naoružanih milicija, legitimizaciji policijskog
nasilja, militarizaciji javnog prostora i nadzoru
Reform of Secondary Education Between Ideals and Priorities: Contributions from the Nastavnik Journal
No full textЦиљ овог рада је да у основним цртама прикаже унутрашња кретања и манифестације процеса реформе средњошколског система у Србији у последњој деценији 19. века. У ту сврху анализирани су прилози објављени у "Наставнику", листу Професорског друштва, који рефлектују ставове педагога и гимназијских професора о жељеним концепцијским променама средњошколског образовања. Посебна пажња посвећена је расправи о концепту једнолике/јединствене средње школе (гимназије), кроз коју се прати развој законског решења које временом добија свој коначан облик и садржај. У уводном делу, укратко се разматра начелни правац модернизације у другој половини 19. века и схватање појма школске реформе, док се у централном делу рада илуструју садржај и аргументи иницијалних разматрања о питањима реформе гимназије у часопису "Наставник" који сведоче о томе да се политички циљеви нису могли директно преводити као педагошки путокази.This paper aims to outline the internal dynamics and manifestations of the reform process of the secondary school system in Serbia during the
last decade of the 19th century. For this purpose, the analysis focuses on contributions published in Nastavnik, the journal of the Professors’ Society, which
reflect the views of pedagogists and grammar school professors on the desired
conceptual changes in secondary education. Particular attention is devoted to
the debate on the concept of a uniform/unique secondary school, through which
the development of a legal framework is traced as it gradually acquires its final
form and content. In the introductory part, the general course of modernization
in the second half of the 19th century and the understanding of the notion of
school reform are briefly considered. In contrast, the central part of the paper
illustrates the content and arguments of the initial discussions on gymnasium
reform in the journal Nastavnik, which testify that political objectives could not
be legitimately translated into pedagogical guidelines
The unification of civic, Serbian, working class, and other oppressed people in opposition to the lithium mine in Serbia
No full textWe argue that the large movement against the lithium mine in Serbia exemplifies a populist moment. To understand not only why populism but how populism, we analyzed the development of interpretative repertoires and subject positions in discourses surrounding lithium since 2001, when Rio Tinto started exploring reserves. Ten thousand comments on news portals, petitions, and social media served as a sample of available discourses. Critiques of the mine existed from the very beginning in online chatter, but the official zoning of the mine in the city planning document triggered the “You won’t dig” movement because both old (traditionalism) and new collective grievances (opposition to the ruling party and environmental concerns) could be projected onto it. Gaslighting from Rio Tinto and the ruling party peaked with the “We will dig” banner, further solidifying the distinction between the people and its enemies
Ekološka katastrofa i nove etičke utopije
No full textOvo izlaganje počinje novom interpretacijom klasičnog dela Hansa Jonasa
„Imperativ odgovornosti“. Kao što je poznato, ovo delo je naglasilo
potrebu za novom etikom koja uzima u obzir našu odgovornost prema budućim
generacijama. Međutim, u senci ekološke katastrofe, Jonasov snažno antiutopijski
stav treba preispitati. Posebno oni koji rešenje vide u strategiji odrasta veruju da je
važno radikalno transformisati način na koji živimo: šta smatramo dobrim
životom i srećom, šta mislimo o luksuzu, radu, ekološkoj etici, globalnoj pravdi
itd. Izlaganje će prvenstveno ispitati vezu između našeg rasuđivanja o ekološkoj
katastrofi i etičkih implikacij
Bol i patnja kao dimenzije viktimizacije: istraživački okvir i društveni odgovori/Pain and Suffering as Dimensions of Victimization: Research Framework and Social Responses
No full textBol i patnja su univerzalna ljudska iskustva, čije društvene i institucionalne
dimenzije ostaju često nedovoljno razrađene u teorijskim pristupima
društvenih nauka. Iako imaju ključnu ulogu u procesima viktimizacije i
reflektuju nejednakosti, nepravdu i ranjivost, različiti teorijski okviri obrađuju
ih fragmentarno, fokusirajući se pretežno na individualne ili medicinske
aspekte. Ovaj rad problematizuje i analizira različite teorijske perspektive koje
tretiraju bol i patnju u kontekstu društvene viktimizacije, sa akcentom na
institucionalne i kulturne faktore koji oblikuju iskustva pojedinaca i zajednica.
Analiza uključuje pristupe iz sociologije, filozofije, prava i obrazovanja,
naglašavajući kako institucionalni okviri, uključujući pravne norme,
obrazovne politike i zdravstvene prakse, konstruišu očekivanja o legitimnom
izražavanju bola i patnje. Kulturni diskursi dodatno definišu granice
prihvatljivog, često reprodukujući stereotipe i socijalnu stigmu, što doprinosi
nejednakom tretmanu različitih oblika patnje. Kroz teorijsku problematizaciju,
rad ukazuje na to kako različite perspektive vrednuju, interpretiraju i
potencijalno marginalizuju iskustva patnje, te kako ove interpretacije oblikuju
strategije suočavanja pojedinaca i zajednica. Cilj rada je da identifikuje
praznine u postojećim teorijskim pristupima i da pruži okvir za kritičko
sagledavanje bola i patnje kao društveno i institucionalno uslovljenih
fenomena. Kroz komparativnu analizu teorijskih perspektiva, rad otvara
prostor za refleksiju o mogućnostima unapređenja istraživanja i društvene
prakse, naglašavajući značaj interdisciplinarnog pristupa za razumevanje
socijalne pravde, inkluzivnosti i kvaliteta života u kontekstu viktimizacije. /
Pain and suffering are universal human experiences, yet their social and
institutional dimensions remain underexplored in the theoretical frameworks
of the social sciences. While they play a crucial role in processes of
victimization and reflect broader patterns of inequality, injustice, and
vulnerability, existing approaches often treat them in a fragmented manner,
focusing primarily on individual or medical aspects. This paper critically
engages with a range of theoretical perspectives that address pain and suffering in the context of social victimization, with particular attention to institutional and cultural factors that shape the lived experiences of individuals and communities. The analysis draws on insights from sociology, philosophy, law, and education, examining how institutional frameworks such as legal norms, educational policies, and healthcare practices, construct expectations regarding the legitimate expression of pain and suffering. Cultural discourses further delineate the boundaries of acceptability, frequently reproducing stereotypes and social stigma, thereby reinforcing unequal treatment of different forms of suffering. By problematizing these perspectives, the paper highlights how theoretical approaches value, interpret, and often marginalize experiences of suffering, as well as how such interpretations influence coping strategies at both individual and collective levels. The aim of the paper is to identify gaps in existing theoretical approaches and to propose a framework for critically examining pain and suffering as socially and institutionally conditioned
phenomena. Through a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives, it
opens space for reflection on ways to advance both research and social
practice, emphasizing the importance of an interdisciplinary approach to
understanding social justice, inclusivity, and quality of life in the context of
victimization
Unraveling New Spaces: The Exhibition as an Interdisciplinary Project
No full textThis paper analyzes the exhibition project “UNRAVELING: New Spaces” at the 19th International
Architecture Exhibition – La Biennale di Venezia: Intelligens. Natural. Artificial. Collective. The exhibition is taken as a case study to explore cross-disciplinary collaboration within architectural practice. The theoretical framework of the exhibition posits that local legacies hold universal relevance. Specifically, the form-making skill of hand-knitting and the technological innovation of the Belgrade Hand, the world's first robotic bionic hand. These seemingly disparate localities demonstrate - through the exhibition project - how collective, empathic, and idealistic practices are fundamental to disciplinary transformations
The Power of the Speaker of the Parliament as Enabler or Barrier to Autocratization
No full textThis paper explores the role, power, and responsibilities of the Speaker of the Parliament in furthering or countering the process of autocratization of the Parliament in context of a competitive authoritarian regimes. While there is a rich and growing literature on the role and functioning of parliaments in the so-called electoral authoritarian regimes, little attention is paid to the power of the Speaker of the Parliament as a potential gatekeeper contesting the authoritarian tendencies, or on the other hand, as one of the main contributors furthering the misuse and degradation of parliamentary mechanisms and processes. The position of the Speaker of the Parliament holds the power, as well as moral responsibility to defend the position, functioning and power of the Parliament as an institution against looming authoritarian trends, but it also leaves potential space enabling the political actors that hold this function to take an active part in undermining of Parliament’s functioning, role, and public image in such regimes.
Based on empirical evidence from the case of the Serbian Parliament, functioning in the context of undermined democracy that can be defined as a competitive-authoritarian regime, this paper aims to deepen our understanding of the role and power of the Speaker of the Parliament in guiding political action to defend or undermine democratic ideals and principles. For this purpose, the paper will focus on a comparative analysis of the narratives as well as actions of the Speakers of the Parliament in three legislative periods – the 11th legislature (from June 2016 to August 2020), 12th legislature (from August 2020 to August 2022), and 13th legislature (from August 2022 to February 2024), with the aim to identify potential patterns and assess their impact on the overall functioning and perception of the Parliament. In addition, the paper will also include shadow cases from other countries providing examples of Speakers of the Parliament which contributed to defending and strengthening the functioning and role of the Parliament
On being dark and speciesist: how dark tetrad traits, empathy, and basic ideological dimensions predict attitudes toward animals
No full textSpeciesism designates a belief that humans should be treated as morally superior to other
animals, disregarding non-human animals’ ability to suffer. In a previous study, we showed
that speciesism is predicted by two of the Dark Tetrad traits: psychopathy and sadism. This
study aimed to examine the mechanisms through which Dark Tetrad traits (psychopathy and
sadism) predict speciesism. We explored several mediators, including empathy toward nonhuman animals: cognitive, affective, and empathic concern, as well as the general social
attitude dimensions of authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. In this study, we
recruited 234 students (86.3% women). We asked participants to indicate their endorsement of
speciesism (α = .78), along with psychopathy (α = .68), sadism (α = .76), three aspects of
empathy: affective (α = .94), cognitive (α = .95), and motivational (α = .80) and general social
attitudes: social dominance orientation (α = .90) and right-wing authoritarianism (α = .80). We
conducted a path analysis to examine the mediational models, controlling for gender, age and
educational level. The overall model had acceptable fit, χ² (8) = 2.14; p = .013; NFI = .93; CFI
= .96; RMSEA = .08. p = .13, and explained 41% of the variance in speciesism. We observed
significant direct paths between speciesism and gender (β = .14; p < .001), social dominance
orientation (β = .18; p < .001), affective empathy (β = -.24; p = .037), cognitive empathy (β =
-.11; p < .01), and motivational concern (β = -.38; p < .001). Social dominance orientation fully
mediated the link between psychopathy and speciesism (β = .06; p = .01) and partly mediated
the effects of affective empathy (β = .03; p = .04); motivational empathy (β = -.03; p = .045);
and cognitive empathy (β = -.03; p = .02). The findings reveal that the Dark Tetrad of
personality has systematic ties to attitudes toward animals. However, the basic
social/ideological attitudes are the more proximal predictors. These findings are also relevant
to the literature on the link between violence toward animals and violence toward humans
