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Dimensions of wisdom perception across twelve countries on five continents
No full textWisdom is the hallmark of social judgment, but how people across cultures
recognize wisdom remains unclear—distinct philosophical traditions suggest
different views of wisdom’s cardinal features. We explore perception of wise
minds across 16 socio-economically and culturally diverse convenience samples from 12 countries. Participants assessed wisdom exemplars, non-exemplars, and themselves on 19 socio-cognitive characteristics, subsequently
rating targets’ wisdom, knowledge, and understanding. Analyses reveal two
positively related dimensions—Reflective Orientation and Socio-Emotional
Awareness. These dimensions are consistent across the studied cultural
regions and interact when informing wisdom ratings: wisest targets—as perceived by participants—score high on both dimensions, whereas the least wise
are not reflective but moderately socio-emotional. Additionally, individuals
view themselves as less reflective but more socio-emotionally aware than most
wisdom exemplars. Our findings expand folk psychology and social judgment
research beyond the Global North, showing how individuals perceive desirable
cognitive and socio-emotional qualities, and contribute to an understanding of
mind perception
Fostering Memory Cultures of War Destruction in Touristic Regions of the Former Yugoslavia
No full text
Islam kao metod
No full textThis essay presents “Islam as Method” as a multi-dimensional approach that serves as an academic framework, a process of engagement, and an activist strategy. It argues that Islam, in the “Islam as Method” thesis, is an ontological category rooted in a commitment to divine unity and ethical principles such as justice (‘adl), dignity (karama) and excellence (ihsan). These commitments enable Muslim activists to assert intellectual and cultural autonomy beyond Euro-American academic, political, and ideological constraints. Drawing on examples from Islamicate contexts, this multi-dimensional approach recognizes the diversity within Islamic traditions while identifying common ethical threads that guide collective action. By emphasizing shared principles and the dynamic reinterpretation of Islamic ethics, “Islam as Method” challenges the dominance of secular and (neo)liberal perspectives and fosters the development of autonomous, cross-cultural dialogue. Informed by the works of contemporary scholars like the late Shabbir Akhtar, Taha Abdurrahmane and Khaled Aboul El Fadl, this method suggests that an intense epistemological shift is underway, allowing committed Muslims to reclaim their agency and produce coherent, ethical knowledge aligned with their values and historical experiences.Ovaj esej predstavlja „Islam kao metod“ kao višedimenzionalni pristup koji služi kao akademski okvir, proces angažovanja i aktivistička strategija. U radu se pokazuje da je islam, u tezi
„Islam kao metoda“, ontološka kategorija ukorenjena u posvećenosti božanskom jedinstvu i
etičkim principima kao što su pravda (‘adl), dostojanstvo (karama) i izvrsnost (ihsan). Privrženost ovim principima omogućava muslimanskim aktivistima da uspostave intelektualnu i
kulturnu autonomiju izvan evro-američkih akademskih, političkih i ideoloških ograničenja.
Oslanjajući se na primere iz islamskog konteksta, ovaj višedimenzionalni pristup prepoznaje
različitost unutar islamskih tradicija pri čemu identifikuje zajedničke etičke niti koje vode kolektivnu akciju. Ističući zajedničke principe i dinamičnu reinterpretaciju islamske etike, „Islam
kao metod“ dovodi u pitanje dominaciju sekularnih i (neo)liberalnih perspektiva, te podstiče
razvoj autonomnog, međukulturalnog dijaloga. Oslanjajući se na radove savremenih naučnika poput pokojnog Šabira Aktara, Taha Abdurahmane i Kaleda Abul el Fadla, ovaj metod nagoveštava da je u toku intenzivna epistemološka promena koja omogućava posvećenim muslimanima da povrate svoju moć, kao i da proizvedu koherentno, etičko znanje koje je u skladu
sa njihovim vrednostima i istorijskim iskustvima
Enahdina muslimanska demokratija u Tunisu posle arapskog proleća: sintetizovanje političke misli i prakse
No full textThis article explores the interplay between political thought and practice within Tunisia’s Ennahda party, first during its period in opposition, then after it took power in 2011, and finally in the aftermath of the 2021 coup. We trace the genealogy of political thought within the party from the point of its foundation. In doing so, we explore the gradual evolution of party ideology, from a daʿwa-based belief system between 1969 and 1981, to Islamic democracy between 1981 and 2011, to ‘Muslim democracy’ after the 2011 uprising. We examine this ideological evolution through the framework of three key elements: (i) Islam, (ii) Tunisia’s changing socio-political context, and (iii) the broader universal episteme. As we show, a significant turning point came in 2016, with the separation of the daʿwa from party politics, which revealed a burgeoning state / party conceptualization of politics. However, the 2021 coup challenged Ennahda’s concept of Muslim democracy, as well as all aspects of the party’s own sense of continuity as a significant socio-political actor, such as its institutional structure, leadership, membership, social base, political strategy, and ideology. Ennahda is now confronted by an authoritarian resurgence, which aims at containing the party, and at delegitimizing its participation within nation-state structures. Empirical evidence, based on content-analytical evaluations of personal interviews as well as the media’s coverage of Ennahda, shows that the party’s representatives are increasingly focusing on organizational reform in order to deal with the ramifications of the 2021 coup. Their aim seems to be to democratize both Ennahda and the Tunisian state itself.Ovaj rad istražuje interakciju između političke misli i prakse unutar tuniske partije Enahda
tokom njenog perioda u opoziciji, nakon što je preuzela vlast 2011. godine, kao i nakon puča
2021. godine. U radu pratimo genealogiju političke misli unutar stranke od tačke njenog
osnivanja. Čineći to, istražujemo postepenu evoluciju partijske ideologije od davetskog (misionarskog) delovanja između 1969. i 1981. godine, preko islamske demokratije između 1981.
i 2011. godine, do „muslimanske demokratije“ nakon ustanka 2011. godine. Ovu ideološku
evoluciju ispitujemo kroz okvir tri ključna elementa: (i) islam, (ii) promenljivi društveno-politički kontekst Tunisa i (iii) univerzalnu epistemu. Kao što pokazujemo, značajna prekretnica
nastupila je 2016. godine sa odvajanjem davetskih aktivnosti od partijske politike, što je otkrilo rastuću državno-partijsku konceptualizaciju politike. Međutim, državni udar 2021. godine doveo je u pitanje Enahdin koncept muslimanske demokratije, kao i sve aspekte sopstvenog osećaja kontinuiteta partije kao značajnog društveno-političkog aktera, kao što su
njena institucionalna struktura, rukovodstvo, članstvo, društvena baza, politička strategija i
ideologija. Enahda je sada suočena sa autoritarnim oživljavanjem čiji je cilj obuzdavanje stranke i delegitimizacija njenog učešća u strukturama nacionalne države. Empirijski dokazi, zasnovani na sadržajno-analitičkim procenama ličnih intervjua, kao i na medijskom izveštavanju
o Enahdi, pokazuju da se predstavnici stranke sve više fokusiraju na organizacionu reformu
kako bi se izborili sa posledicama državnog udara 2021. godine. Njihov cilj, čini se, jeste da
demokratizuju kako Enahdu tako i samu tunisku državu
Transformacija diskursa o sekularizmu/građanskoj državi u arapskim akademskim spisima nakon arapskog proleća
No full textSince the start of the Arab Spring, no topic has been more polarizing to elites than secularism, the civil state, and political Islam. In this article, I will analyze the academic literature written by researchers and sometimes political activists in journals published in the Arab world on this topic. I will conduct a quantitative (bibliometric) and qualitative analysis of this literature (149 articles), in order to try to answer the following questions: To which extent is there interest in these topics in academic journals? How did these writers address the topic of secularism or the civil state? How do leftist/secular/liberal trends on the one hand and Islamic trends on the other interact with the issue of secularism? What type of journals are these?Od početka Arapskog proleća, nijedna tema nije bila više polarizovana za elite od sekularizma, građanske države i političkog islama. U ovom radu analiziraću akademsku literaturu koja
se bavila ovim temema a čiji su autori akademski radnici, a ponekad i politički aktivisti u časopisima koji se izdaju u arapskom svetu. Uradiću kvantitativnu (bibliometrijsku) i kvalitativnu analizu ove literature (149 članaka), kako bih pokušao da odgovorim na sledeća pitanja:
U kojoj meri postoji interesovanje za ove teme u akademskim časopisima? Kako su se ovi
pisci bavili temom sekularizma ili građanske države? Kako levičarski/sekularni/liberalni trendovi s jedne strane i islamski trendovi s druge strane utiču na pitanje sekularizma? Koje su
to vrste časopisa
Aquatic Teaching Frameworks in the Anthropocene: Navigating for Natural and Cultural Heritage
No full textWater is the main actor of a summer school dedicated to heritage and environment, realized in navigation, by a community of international and multidisciplinary students and teachers, and dedicated to an in-depth investigation of the seas of the former Yugoslavia. The narrow spaces of a small wooden gulet acted as a floating classroom, meeting-point, and hostel, while the limited spaces and fresh water available were shared among all participants. Sharing the scarce spaces and limited water resources has represented a metaphor of reciprocal interdependence, and it was the main educational texture of the summer school on board
Contours of uncertainty: Experiences of journalistic precarity in Serbia’s postsocialist capitalism
No full textPrecarity has become a dominant condition of the contemporary neoliberal labor market due to the increasing flexibilization of working arrangements. Contrary to standard employment relationships, precarious work is characterized by financial uncertainty, job insecurity and limited access to social benefits and protections. Journalism is not immune to this trend; the profession’s declining working conditions are marked by reduced incomes, widespread layoffs, diminishing advertising revenues, and weakened union presence. Despite the growing body of literature, the perceptions of journalistic precarity in non-Western political economies and media systems remain largely unexamined. The aim of this paper is to explore how journalists experience precarity within the unique framework of postsocialist capitalism (Bandelj, 2016). prevalent in former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. We focus on Serbia, a nation undergoing decades of economic transition, accompanied by rampant political polarization. The processes of privatization, deregulation and globalization resulted in the politicization of the economy and the rise of informal institutions, which continue to shape the living and working conditions of journalists today. We explore the experiences of journalistic precarity in Serbia through the lens of Rick and Hanitzsch’s (2023) theoretical model on journalists’ perceptions of precarity. Our primary interest lies in understanding how objective conditions and individuals’ experiences of work and uncertainty vary considering the distinct and divided political and economic configurations of the Serbian media market. Our methodology involves conducting semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 25 journalists. Participants will be selected to reflect the diversity of political and economic factors theorized to shape perceived precarity in journalism. This particularly refers to the ownership structure and the business model of the media, i.e., whether it is privately, publicly, or state-owned. In the case of privately-owned media, we distinguish between for-profit enterprises and civil society or community media, as this distinction, beyond business orientation and organization size, bears significant implications on journalistic work. In addressing the political factors, we situate the selection process within the polarized Serbian environment and, as such, include media that report in favor of the government and those that are critical. On an individual level, we differentiate between the type of contract journalists have, i.e., permanent, part-time, piece work, etc. Finally, our selection will also be sensitized to encompass experiences across age and gender spectrum within the profession. This research underscores the need for contextualizing journalistic precarity, particularly concerning variations in political economy and governance. By doing so, it contributes to a more nuanced understanding of precarity in diverse capitalist systems, highlighting the specific challenges faced by journalists in postsocialist countries
Empatija u različitim psihološkim paradigmama: Sudar konstruktivizma, neuronauke i psihometrije
No full textEmpatija predstavlja jedan od najpopularnijih psiholoških termina, odnosno konstrukata, u 21. veku. Taj termin možemo čuti u svakodnevnom govoru i u različitim kontekstima. Ipak, ostaje pitanje na šta se pod konstruktom „empatija“ zapravo misli. Izlaganje ima za cilj da kritičkom analizom eksplicira različita značenja koja se kriju pod pojmom empatije i da prikaže problem psihološke metateorije na ovom pojmu, koristeći se znanjima iz tri psihološke škole mišljenja (teorija ličnih konstrukata,
neuropsihologija i psihometrija). Empatija se u konstruktivizmu može razumeti kao razvijen proces za odnos uloge, visoki komunalitet izmedju osoba i identifikacija sa drugim. U neuropsihologiji, empatija
predstavlja složen splet različitih neuroanatomskih i neurohemijskih karakteristika, čija je aktivacija ukotvljena u genetskom sklopu pojedinca. Na kraju, psihometrijska paradigma uključuje pretpostavku da smo svi manje ili više empatični, odnosno da posedujemo inherentnu osobinu empatije koja se aktivira u odredjenim situacijama i koja služi za glatku medjuljudsku interakciju. Ekspliciranjem teorijskih polazišta možemo razumeti i koji su to vodiči za akciju, odnosno čemu nam zapravo služe i na koji način koristimo različita značenja empatije. Tako, u teoriji ličnih konstrukata, empatija (iako nikada jasno eksplicirana) predstavlja jedan od ciljeva terapije – odnosno, cilj je da klijent razvije mogućnost za proces empatije kako bi lakše živeo sa sobom i ostvario odnos sa drugim osobama koji počivaju na medjusobnom razumevanju i uvažavanju. Neuropsihologija želi da utvrdi neurološke korelate empatije sa ciljem da dokaže realnost tog psihološkog konstrukta. Na kraju, psihometrija ima za cilj da objasni empatiju u matematičkom sistemu putem merenja i konstruisanja testova kojim bi ljudi utvrdili svoje relativno mesto u „imanju“ empatije u odnosu na druge. Problem definisanja psiholoških konstrukata je od suštinske važnosti za stručnjake, kako bi se na jasan način razumeli i komunicirali. Poslediće definisanja naših profesionalnih konstrukata ima uticaj i na društvenu realnost, kao i pojedinće u toj društvenoj realnosti
Od bračne zajednice, preko zajednice predaka, do ujedinjene federacije planeta
No full textPitanja koja su tematizovana – „Vrste odnosa – vrste zajedništva“, Je li zajednica (isto što i)
grupa, udruženje, asocijacija, klub…?“, „Lokalna/mesna, državna i – svi će ljudi braća
biti?“ – slikovito su ukazivala na ozbiljnost problema i pozivala na odgovornost one
koji su raspravljali o njima. Zaista, koje su specifičnosti zajednice u odnosu na druge
oblike društvenosti? U kom se odnosu zajednica nalazi, logički i istorijski, prema ostalim
formama ljudsko udruživanja? Ili je ona zbirno ime za sve njih? Ukratko i malo učenije
artikulisano: koja je differentia specifica (pojma) zajednice; kako je klasifikovati imajući
u vidu brojne druge, manje ili više srodne, forme ljudskog grupisanja; najzad, kako se,
ako se, interni mehanizmi zajednica razlikuju od mehanizama dobrovoljnih asocijacija,
prinudnih institucija ili širih društvenih struktura poput države