University of Arts in Belgrade
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Metodološki problemi pisanja o savremenoj umetnosti: primer spacioanalize kao diskursa
No full textSvaki format pisanja o umetnosti, počevši od likovnih kritika, preko eseja, sve do akademskih i naučnih radova, ima svoja pravila, metode, profesionalne uzuse, ali i mogućnost njihove transgresije. Na primerima iz autorove prakse i trajektorije razvoja pristupa svakom od ovih formata, u radu će se analizirati prevashodno metodološki problemi s kojima se suočavaju pisci o savremenoj umetnosti. Poseban akcenat je stavljen na značaj transdisciplinarnog pristupa i širenja teorijskih okvira za analizu umetničkih pojava i praksi. Razvojem i kombinovanjem različitih metodoloških modela i teorijskih pristupa, predstavlja se posebno osmišljen diskurs nazvan spacioanaliza, koji autoru služi za istraživanje i interpretaciju društvenih i umetničkih pojava. Rad analazira teorijske impulse koji su generisali formiranje ovog specifičnog diskrusa. Na primerima konkretnih naučnih radova, razmatra se njegova upotreba u istraživanju, problematizovanju i kontekstualizovanju načina na koji se proizvode brojni slojevi društvenog prostora u specifičnim socio-političkim okvirima. Spacioanaliza kao diskurs, predstavlja istovremeno i metodološku aparaturu za analizu umetničkih pojava i interpretaciju savremenih umetničkih praksi za koje je autor trebalo da osmisli i artikuliše poseban pristup usled nepostojanja odgovarajućih naučnih metoda u okviru klasičnih istorijsko-umetničkih studija. Transcisciplinarnost tako omogućava transgresiju disciplinarnih ograničenja i stvara upotrebljive naučne alakte za pisanje o specifičnim pojavama u savremenoj umetnosti, koje je moguće nadograđivati i razvijati, prilagođavati aktuelnim umetničkih praksama koje i same postaju diskurzivne
Delezovo čitanje Kantovog pojma uzvišenog
No full textPojam uzvišenog doživeo je renesansu u drugoj polovini 20. veka, prvenstveno u radovima filozofa kao što su Žan-Fransoa Liotar, Julija Kristeva i Žil Delez. Ove reaktualizacije pojma uzvišenog se nadovezuju na Kantova razmatranja ovog iskustva, ali istovremeno donose nove perspektive.
Namera mog izlaganja je da ukažem na način na koji Žil Delez reinterpretira Kantovo shvatanje uzvišenog, kao i na pozitivne zaključke koje iz ovog pojma izvodi, ali i na one koje zanemaruje, a koji se mogu izvesti iz Kantove Kritike moći suđenja. U oba slučaja pojam uzvišenog se usko vezuje za status modernog, racionalnog i autonomnog subjekta.
Prvo ću ukratko predstaviti Kantov razvijen pojam uzvišenog iz Kritike moći suđenja, a zatim ću pokazati da Delez, uprkos svojoj kritici Kanta, preuzima centralne pojmove njegove filozofije, kao što su ideja, transcendentalno, princip concordia facultatum i sam pojam uzvišenog, koji, kako ću pokazati, igra ključnu ulogu u njegovoj filozofiji razlike. Zatim ću pokazati da, iako se Delez udaljuje od Kanta time što inkorporira Ničeov razvoj pojma uzvišenog u ideju „dionizijskog“, on ipak održava neke od centralnih uvida Kantove filozofije, povezujući iskustvo uzvišenog sa mišljenjem ideja (kao proces koji treba razlikovati od procesa razumskog saznanja).
Konačno, ukazaću da, iako Delez ovo mišljenje ideja povezuje sa procesom de-subjektivacije i razlučivanja racionalnosti, on previđa na koji način pojam uzvišenog može da se razume i kao afirmacija upravo ideje moderne, autonomne subjektivnosti koju kritikuje. Ova afirmacija moderne subjektivnosti može se izvesti iz Kantovog razumevanja uzvišenog iz Kritike moći suđenja, na koju se Delez nadovezuje
The Role of Uncertainty in the Psychological Appeal of Populism: Is There a Unity in Paradigmatic Diversity?
No full textDrawing from Lacanian psychoanalysis (e.g. Browning, 2019; Kinnvall & Svensson, 2022; Laclau, 2005), Bakhtinian dialogicality (e.g. Kinnvall & Lindén, 2010; Kinnvall & Nesbitt-Larking, 2010), and the psychology of individual differences (e.g. Gründl & Aichholzer, 2020; Kruglanski et al., 2021), scholars approach populism from distinct metatheoretical assumptions, theoretical underpinnings, and methodological approaches. Despite inherent paradigmatic diversities, they have posited that populistic narratives spread because they offer simplistic and comprehensible interpretations of a complex society. The apparent unity in the use of the concept of uncertainty allows us to cross the boundaries between these paradigms. The first boundary-crossing will be the theoretical conception of the source of uncertainty-avoidance that scholars employed to interpet populism. Other differences and similarities between theories that will be discussed include whether they incorporate social structures as conditions for populism, the socio-cultural development of populistic narratives, the meaning of populism for those who reject it, and the possibilities for accepting or rejecting populistic narratives through individuals' agency. Initiating a dialogue among three different theories of populism will create a potential appropriation space for a further situated understanding of how people make sense of populistic narratives
A person-centered and situated approach to populism in representative surveys
No full textA standard operationalization of populist attitudes is a variable-centered approach, approach assuming that any person can meaningfully position itself along a simple 'good people vs. bad elites/others' spectrum. This assumption does not fully align with the inherently discursive nature of populism which means that populism is embedded in narratives people make up, use, reject or change to pursue their goals in a sociocultural context. The main goal of the paper is to argue for a contextually sensitive and person-centered measurement of populism in representative surveys. However, surveys only offer a snapshot of who, when, where and how endorse populistic narratives, and it cannot account for changes in developmental dynamics of human mind, and consequentially populism. To illustrate the proposal, we may use a case of USA 2020 elections when according to chatGPT, three most prominent populistic narratives were: antiestablishment sentiment, economic populism and nationalism. All of them are vaguely represented by survey items in Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 5. ChatGPT helped us choose two resembling items per narrative. On a sample of 7389 participants, we have done a Latent Profile Analysis in R. Comparing 2 to 10 classes models, 4 classes had the best statistical fit and were intangible. Each class can be understood as a symbolic community because people share positions toward narratives and thereby convey underlying meanings. For further explorations of classes and their predictors, view https://osf.io/hxfbs/
Althusserian Perspective: Media Apparatus and Violence
No full textAltiserovska „kritika medija“ formirana je oko dva teorijska toposa, a to su ahumanizam i interpelacija. Pošto je, prema Altiseru, humanističko shvatanje čoveka kao slobodne, svrsishodne i stvaralačke ličnosti tek ideološka deformacija, ahumanizam, obezbeđuje adekvatan metodološki pristup. U tekstu argumentujemo u prilog sledećoj tezi: jedna od najvažnijih funkcija medijskog državnog aparata (novine, tv i radio stanice, internet portali, društvene mreže), sastoji se u forsiranju sistemskog nasilja, dok se subjektivno osuđuje. Kako sistemsko nasilje reprodukuje društvene odnose, nasilje postaje ideološka kategorija, a kolokvijalni govor o sistemskom nasilju kamuflira predmet kritike. Interpelacijom mediji formiraju subjekte podobne zahtevu društvene reprodukcije, a pečat novim oblicima nasilja pružaju upravo savremeni mediji. Naime, što se mediji više zalažu za poštovanje ljudskih prava i humanističkih načela, to oni u sistemskom smislu deluju nasilnije, koristeći mehanizam interpelacije. Subjekt u tom procesu nije nevin, njega pogađa sopstvena poruka, preokrenuta iz subjektivne ravni u sistemsku. U pogledu sistemskog nasilja mediji su nesvesni, u slučaju subjektivnog patetični, a objektivnog, samo slepi.Althusser’s “critique of the media” is based on two important theoretical topoi, i.e. ahumanism and interpellation. According to Althusser, the idea of man as a free, pur-poseful and creative individual is a mere ideological distortion, and therefore ahuman-ism is embodied in the belief that participants in the media landscape play certain predefined roles, like puppets in a street performance. The point in question is inter-pellation, addressing someone with “Hey, you, over there!”, producing subjects and intertwining ideological and oppressive functions of the media through the operation of the state ideological apparatus. Althusser analyses the function of the media, and consequently of violence, within the function of state ideological apparatuses. The media portrayal of violence and interpellation through violence represents a crucial aspect of Althusser’s theoretical intervention, with a paradigmatic event being the following one: a police officer addresses a suspect citizen and if they do not react in a proper way, the officer uses force according to the protocol or “somewhat too en-thusiastically”. Apart from the “external gendarme”, it is necessary to activate another – probably more important – “internal” one. The citizens who follow the interpellation scene through the media are interpellated not only by the image on the web portal, but also by the explicit ideology formulated by the officials or those who criticize the scene. As stated above, our choice of the internet provider, cable operator or internet portal is not and cannot be the instance of our free will (likewise, the choice of a fa-vourite radio station was not an example of free will in the past), but an instance of an ideological interpellation or self-interpellation. Another theoretical moment of great importance for our analysis is the assumption that state apparatuses function on the basis of material practices, and not through the distribution of wrong representations. Althusserian perspective can provide an answer to the question: What is the source of systemic violence? A social formation, in order to sustain itself, has to reproduce the conditions of its creation through the reproduction of the forces of production and production relations. The reproduction of workforce requires not only the repro-duction of its skills, but also the reproduction of its submission to the rules of the es-tablished order. This reproduction of workers’ submission to the ruling ideology must be followed by the reproduction of the manipulation through the ruling ideology. Just as a worker must reproduce another worker, the capitalist must undergo the same process in order to perpetuate the order “through words”. Reproduction – quite sim-ply and literally – means repetition. However, repetition is not a closed and self-suffi-cient process. Capitalism is renewed and expanded through the “heroic means” of political violence. In that way, violence is distributed through the “base and super-structure”, both horizontally and vertically, pulsating not only within Europe, but also within nation-states and in overseas countries, constantly expanding to new areas, encompassing a new circle of buyers and goods. Therefore, within developed metrop-olises, white spots, zones of low accumulation that need to be colonized again, are formed - such as urban cores, for example. In that process, state apparatuses, ideo-logical and repressive, play a significant role, while the web portal serves as an ideo-logical hub of the new media. It is a place of a simultaneous interpellation and self-in-terpellation. The information apparatus, in turn, participates in violence systemically, ensuring interpellation by promoting peace, solidarity, empathy and other “humanistic values”, while it can also endorse highly subjective messages that induce violence
Some Reflections on Psychoanalysis, Philosophy and Politics. Exploring the Intellectual Trajectory of Alain Badiou
No full textIn the light of some recent criticisms, this text seeks to promote a debate that takes place on two fronts: on the one hand, the logic of the origin of logic and, on the other hand, the relationship between psychoanalysis and Marxism. To this end, some texts published by Alain Badiou towards the end of the 1960s, in which he polemicizes with Jacques-Alain Miller around the concepts of “suture” and “subject” (Zizek), are recovered in order to situate both the different positions and the coherent reconsiderations throughout his intellectual trajectory. Indeed, from “The Concept of the Model” to his most recent trilogy (Theory of the Subject, Being and the Event and Logic of Worlds), a perspective is proposed that, far from establishing hierarchies and subordinations, seeks to promote connections based on specificities and differences through that particular path that is philosophy. In this way it is possible to appreciate that, despite his critique of the primacy of the logic of the signifier, the concepts proposed by Jacques Lacan functioned as a notorious source of inspiration for Badiou, especially in relation to the subject of the unconscious
Moments of the Negative. Two Small Nihilist Episodes from the 1940s
No full textEvoking Leo Strauss’s 1941 text “German Nihilism” and his forceful claim that
nihilism is above all “the rejection of the principles of civilization as such,” my intention
is to thematize the possible forms of coexistence that survive and develop despite
the negation and even exclusion of certain forms of civic forms of cooperation and
collaboration, as well as insistence on a closed society in the Bergsonian or Popperian
sense. If nihilism is often connected to a crisis of legitimacy and reasoned discourse, Evoking Leo Strauss’s 1941 text “German Nihilism” and his forceful claim that
nihilism is above all “the rejection of the principles of civilization as such,” my intention
is to thematize the possible forms of coexistence that survive and develop despite
the negation and even exclusion of certain forms of civic forms of cooperation and
collaboration, as well as insistence on a closed society in the Bergsonian or Popperian
sense. If nihilism is often connected to a crisis of legitimacy and reasoned discourse,Evoking Leo Strauss’s 1941 text “German Nihilism” and his forceful claim that
nihilism is above all “the rejection of the principles of civilization as such,” my intention
is to thematize the possible forms of coexistence that survive and develop despite
the negation and even exclusion of certain forms of civic forms of cooperation and
collaboration, as well as insistence on a closed society in the Bergsonian or Popperian
sense. If nihilism is often connected to a crisis of legitimacy and reasoned discourse, Evoking Leo Strauss’s 1941 text “German Nihilism” and his forceful claim that
nihilism is above all “the rejection of the principles of civilization as such,” my intention
is to thematize the possible forms of coexistence that survive and develop despite
the negation and even exclusion of certain forms of civic forms of cooperation and
collaboration, as well as insistence on a closed society in the Bergsonian or Popperian
sense. If nihilism is often connected to a crisis of legitimacy and reasoned discourse,with a crisis of justification of certain actions or manipulative and perverted uses of
language and mind, with various protocols of destruction across many levels and taking
many shapes, what interests me is the role of negation and a potential classification of
various negative, socially negative, destructive, or nullifying actions and acts in the
construction of (non)homogenous and (in)human social groups
Beyond Islamophobia: A Critical Analysis of the Religious, Ethnic, and Racial Othering of Roma Muslims within the Muslim Community in Serbia
No full textThe religious life of Roma Muslims in Serbia represents a complex interplay of historical marginalization and persecution, contemporary discrimination, and unique cultural adaptations. Despite being one of the largest ethno-religious groups in the country, their experiences remain understudied and often overshadowed by broader narratives about the Roma or the Muslim community. This study seeks to address this gap by exploring how Roma Muslims practice Islam, navigate their relationship
with the official Islamic Community, and interact with other Islamic ethno-national groups, such as Bosniaks and Albanians