University of Arts in Belgrade
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Becoming and Education as the Experience of the Immanent Sublime
No full textMy paper draws on Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of “becoming” as a way of elucidating an idea of education geared toward the destruction of social beliefs and representations. The aim of the paper is to show that the experience of education must necessarily be one of “affect” or
“becoming”; in other words, an encounter with, or an experience of, the immanent sublime.
The paper will begin with Deleuze’s allegory of swimming from Difference and Repetition, which, as I will argue, serves as an implicit critique of Plato’s allegory of the cave, in that learning is dissociated from a conception of a priori representation and understood as the immersion of the learner into the unconscious. Building on this allegory, I will turn to recent scholarship on Deleuze and Guattari’s pedagogical ideas (Doubliene 2014) and in particular, the idea of “nomadic education” (Semetsky, Masny 2013), in order to show that for Deleuze and Guattari, the process of learning necessarily includes an encounter with the unthinkable, which, as I will argue, is analogous to Kant’s experience of the sublime, in that it signifies the breakdown of limitations placed on our faculties and everyday experience. However, I will also show that what distinguishes Deleuze and Guattari’s pedagogy, in particular, is that this overstepping of the limitations of experience is not transcendent, as in the modernist “sublime,” but immanent.
In the conclusion, I will use this distinction between the immanent and transcendent sublime to argue that the experience of the immanent sublime is what distinguishes contemporary genuine learning from practices such as indoctrination, reproduction, or transmission of information, as well as market training and enablement
Political Participation and Emotions among Southeast European Youth: What Matters to Them and What They Strive For?
No full textHistorical Research and Present-Day Socio-Politics: The Multiethnic Effort Behind the Rescue of the Jews of Kampor
No full textBack to the Future or How to Make Peace with the Past in Order to Create a Better Tomorrow Together
No full text“Spirit In a World Without Spirit” – Foucault’s Interpretation of The Iranian Revolution And Resistance To Western Modernity
No full textУ чланку анализирамо Фукоово истраживање Иранске револуције,
које обавља крајем 1978. године. Ова епизода у његовој каријери је
дуго била мета бројних критика, како у тренутку док је вршио ово
истраживање тако и од стране савремених тумача његовог лика
и дела. Критике које упућују савремени тумачи се протежу од
тврдњи да је Фуко био „заведен” од стране „ирационалних” аспеката
ислама до тврдњи да приликом истраживања Иранске револуције
напушта своје схватање моћи као свеприсутне и тотализујуће те
да уводи идеју субјекта као слободног делатника. У овом чланку
ћемо Фукоово истраживање Иранске револуције лоцирати у оквиру
његових истраживачких интересовања крајем седамдесетих година.
Показаћемо да истражујући Иранску револуцију он покушава да
на терену и у реалном времену тестира теоријски апарат који у том
периоду развија са циљем истраживања могућих облика отпора
односима моћи. Чланак ћемо закључити елаборирајући на које
начине Фукоово истраживање Иранске револуције мења даљи ток његовог рада, услед ког се окреће истраживању субјективности
током осамдесетихIn this article, we analyze Foucault’s research of the Iranian Revolution, conducted at the end of 1978. This research has made Foucault the target of numerous criticisms from his contemporaries, while later interpreters of his work have tried in various ways to understand how this research relates to the rest of his oeuvre. A review of the relevant literature shows that there are different currents in interpreting the place that the study of the Iranian Revolution has in Foucault’s work. One of these currents argues that Foucault was “seduced” by the “irrational” aspects of Islam because his theoretical and epistemological standpoints inherently contain anti-Enlightenment aspects. A certain number of authors also agree on the interpretation that sees inconsistency in Foucault’s study of the Iranian Revolution, as they believe that at this point, he abandons his understanding of power as a totalizing mechanism and introduces the idea of a free acting subject. We will attempt to show that both currents miss the most important aspect of Foucault’s research of the Iranian Revolution, which is the way this research fits into his academic interests at that time. Specifically, we will try to locate his study of the Iranian Revolution within the framework of his academic research in the late 1970s, as well as show how the socio-political context of France at that time influenced his work. We will start the article by examining the relationship between French left-leaning intellectuals and the French Communist Party during this period, as well as their stance on the coalition between the French Communist Party and the Socialist Party. We will show that due to the influence of cooperation with Maoist organizations and his participation in the student revolt of 1968, Foucault developed a negative attitude towards the Stalinist orientations of the French Communist Party and therefore at that time tries to develop a theoretical framework for a nonMarxist understanding of macro-social reality. In such a context, Foucault develops his theory of “governmentality”, which refers to the specific logic of social relations that regulates the institutions of society in a given historical period. The set of institutions and social relations that governmentality regulates he calls a “dispositive”. Foucault’s research leads him to the conclusion that the dispositive regulating contemporary society is guided by the logic he calls “pastoral governmentality”, claiming that it involves regulating individuals’ actions through their dimension of subjectivity, i.e., through the way they relate to themselves and manage their behavior. Furthermore, he demonstrates how this logic, rooted in the Catholic Church, extends to other social institutions from the seventeenth century and becomes associated with the capitalist mode of production in the eighteenth century. It then assumes a role in regulating individuals’ subjectivity in accordance with the concept of the individual as homo economicus. Aligning with his concept of governmentality, Foucault develops the notion of “counter-conduct” as a form of resistance to pastoral governmentality. This idea involves rejecting the prescribed model of subjectivity and, consequently, developing practices that transcend the power relations shaped by pastoral governmentality. We will demonstrate that Foucault’s research of the Iranian Revolution serves as a real-time, practical test of his idea of counter-conduct. Namely, he claimed that the reforms of the Iranian Shah aimed at establishing a dispositive guided by the pastoral logic of governmentality. Therefore, he sees the Iranian Revolution as a collective revolt against the dispositive that has been dominant in Western countries since the seventeenth century. In his study of the Iranian Revolution, he is particularly interested in the role of Shia Islam in regulating practices of resistance. He sees Shiism as the discourse through which the Iranian Revolution as a collective form of counter-conduct is coordinated and argues that this form of Islam allows revolutionaries to transform their subjectivity by rejecting the model of subjectivity prescribed by pastoral governmentality. Finally, the article concludes with a review of two ways in which the study of the Iranian Revolution fundamentally affects Foucault’s work. The first way involves a shift in the focus of his research, which from 1979. becomes centered on the phenomenon of subjectivity. Thus, during the 1980s, Foucault’s work involves exploring various models of subjectivity in the history of Western culture. The second influence of the Iranian Revolution can be observed in Foucault’s renewed focus on the concept and phenomenon of the Enlightenment
Religija i politika u Maroku: islamska, islamistička i post-islamistička dinamika
No full textThis paper aims to map the terrain of religion and politics in modern and contemporary Morocco. Seeing the chronological and intellectual diversity within Moroccan religious thought and politics, this paper proposes three major historical periods to facilitate approaching the topic: the pre-/ colonial, the colonial, and postcolonial times. The first pre/-colonial period is hybrid; it coincides with the rise of the first generation of the Moroccan Nahda renewal, before the colonial period, although it lived into the colonial period and played important roles in it for liberation. I mark this with the “Islamic” label, since Islam was the only common identity marker for any project of renewal in an intellectually “homogeneous” society. As to the colonial period, this Islamic identity became stronger since the colonial administration tried to weaken this identity and the social fabric and its related institutions, be they religious brotherhoods, religious endowments, or Sufi orders; at a certain moment in 1930, the colonial administration played on linguistic differences to divide and rule, and in another occasion, in 1953–1955, it tried to dethrone the nationalist Sultan and replace him with a docile one. Here, again, the “Islamic” identity marker of society and politics was further emphasized as a force of unity, thus the label of Nationalist Islam in this stage, despite the variety of currents within the nationalist movement. As to the postcolonial period, it is a phase in which the modern debates over the format of the nation state, the place of religion in politics, democracy, liberalism, socialism, and secularization become part of Moroccan thought and politics. Thus, three major labels are used to describe the variety of political Islams in society: the Ultra-Orthodox Islam, the Orthodox Islam, and Critical Islam. And since they all share Islam as an identity but interpret it differently, I borrow the term from Asef Bayat to call this period the “post-Islamist” period, since the actors with the Islamic label are multiple, and no one single trend or project manages to win to enforce its Islamist interpretation on society and political stakeholders. More importantly, this diversity of interpretations is what saves the “Islamic” from rigidity and turns it into its fluidity of pre-modern times, i.e. to the “Islamic” as a lived spirituality and moral compass, as a theocentric way of life, in a forthcoming post- Islamist society, a secular world and neoliberal economies.Ovaj rad nastoji da mapira teren religije i politike u modernom i savremenom Maroku. S obzirom na hronološku i intelektualnu raznovrsnost u marokanskoj religioznoj misli i politici,
ovaj rad predlaže tri glavna istorijska perioda kako bi se olakšao pristup temi: pre-/kolonijalno, kolonijalno i postkolonijalno vreme. Prvi, pre/-kolonijalni, period je hibridni; on se poklapa sa usponom prve generacije obnove marokanske Nahde, pre kolonijalnog perioda, iako
je postojao u kolonijalnom periodu i igrao važnu ulogu za oslobođenje. Ovo označavam oznakom „islamski“, pošto je islam bio jedini i zajednička jedinica identiteta za svaki projekat obnove u intelektualno „homogenom“ društvu. Što se tiče kolonijalnog perioda, ovaj islamski
identitet je ojačao nakon što je kolonijalna administracija pokušala da oslabi ovaj identitet i
društveno tkivo, kao i institucije povezane s njim, bilo da su to verska bratstva, verske zadužbine ili sufijski redovi; u jednom trenutku 1930. kolonijalna administracija je koristila jezičke razlike kako bi podelila i vladala, a drugom prilikom, 1953–1955, pokušala je da svrgne
sa trona nacionalističkog sultana i zameni ga poslušnim. Ovde je, opet, „islamski“ identitetski
marker društva i politike dodatno naglašen kao snaga jedinstva, odnosno oznaka nacionalističkog islama u ovoj fazi, uprkos raznovrsnosti struja unutar nacionalističkog pokreta. Što
se tiče postkolonijalnog perioda, ovo je faza u kojoj moderne debate o obliku nacionalne države, mestu religije u politici, demokratiji, liberalizmu, socijalizmu i sekularizaciji postaju deo
marokanske misli i politike. Dakle, tri glavne oznake se koriste za opisivanje raznolikosti političkih islama u društvu: ultra-ortodoksni islam, ortodoksni islam i kritički islam. Budući da
svi oni dele islam kao identitet, ali ga različito tumače, pozajmljujem termin od Asefa Bajata
da ovaj period nazovem „postislamističkim“ periodom, pošto su akteri sa islamskom etiketom višestruki, te ne postoji jedan trend ili projekat koji uspeva da pobedi i ujedini islamističku interpretaciju društva i političkih delatnika. Što je još važnije, ova raznolikost tumačenja
spasava „islamsko“ od rigidnosti i pretvara ga u njegovu fluidnost pre-modernog vremena,
odnosno u „islamsko“ kao življenu duhovnost i moralni kompas, kao teocentrični način života, u budućem post-islamističkom društvu, sekularnom svetu i neoliberalnim ekonomijama
Family as a Safe Haven? Families in Social Practice and Narratives in Times of Crises. Introduction.
No full textWhat connects the homeless woman and her children fighting for a right to social housing with a mother in a non-monogamous relationship and a couple living in the postsocialist village at the EU border? At first glance, their stories barely rub against each other. On a second look, there is one word that does tie them – family. The social background, the place of abode, life choices, levels of insecurity and vulnerability, and types of social support are different in these three cases. Differences aside, we speak about families as social structures that are lived, perceived, and narrated in various ways. In this special section, the selected papers delve into the social lives of families, exploring both intragenerational and intergenerational dynamics during times of uncertainty and beyond
Becoming a Master of an Island Again: On the Desire to be Bodiless
No full textThis text is about contemporary bodies and accompanying fantasies about bodilessness. My main claim is that the paradoxical longing for bodilessness has its twin face in neoliberal and authoritarian regimes of rationality – in the desire to be in complete phantasmal possession of oneself and thus invulnerable to the endless reconfigurations of the world, and in the desire to return to the phantasmal times when society was ordained as an aggregate of self-contained, self-actualising individuals. Both fantasies have been invested in creating the paradigmatic figures
of our time – the neoliberal homo economicus and the white masculine master of his
property and affairs. I wager that both regimes build on the fiction of an independent, sovereign, self-sufficient, and self-actualising being – that is, an individual
Tumačenje neoliberalizma sa Fukoom i Lakanom – Fantazam, depresija i preduzetnička subjektivnost
No full textRad se bavi izgradnjom teorijskog okvira radi razumevanja fenomena neoliberalizma. Za konceptualizaciju neoliberalizma koristi se konceptualni okvir teorije upravljanja (governmentality theory), pre svega oslanjajući se na shvatanje ove teorije u radu Mišela Fukoa. Kako bi se bolje razumeo proces interpelacije subjekata u neoliberalizmu, taj okvir ćemo dopuniti konceptima iz Lakanove psihoanalize. Integracija ova dva pristupa omogućava bolje razumevanje načina na koji neoliberalni režimi mobilizuju pojedince na usvajanje određenih modela subjektivnosti. Ovaj teorijski okvir ćemo primeniti na konceptualizaciju odnosa subjektivnosti i depresije kao psihičkog oboljenja za čiju incidencu je primećeno da raste zajedno s procesom uspostavljanja neoliberalizma