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Анализа просторних конотација у делу Стојана Ћелића
No full textКао централни мотив уметности Стојана Ћелића, и начина на који је промишљао сликарство и тежио „чистој слици”, намеће се проблем простора. У историографији се већ почетком шездесетих година двадесетог века искристалисао став да је простор формативна категорија Ћелићеве уметности и његовог начина конструисања слике. Теоријска артикулација проблема простора, у његовим различитим конотацијама, развијала се упоредо са сликаревим развојним путем, његовим промишљањима, записима и изјавама које истичу простор као „фикцију”, али истовремено и као „реалност”. Кроз дијалог и испреплетеност „опипљивих”, егзактних, и чак математичких карактеристика простора – које се често везују за ликовне проблеме дубине или перспективе – с једне стране, као и ауторефлексивних, психолошких, или пак условно речено „метафизичких” одлика простора с друге, Ћелићево дело захтева и доличну теоријску интерпретацију. Овом монографском студијом одређују се различите и разнородне просторне конотације у теоријским интерпретацијама Ћелићевог ликовног, мисаоног али и поетског приступа грађењу слике
Izazovi u izgradnji baze podrške među organizacijama građanskog društva Srbije: nalazi kvalitativnog istraživanja
No full textOrganizacije građanskog društva su imale značajnu ulogu u
razvoju demokratskih kapaciteta u Srbiji, ali deluju u sve nepovoljnijim političkim
okolnostima s rastućim nepoverenjem građana u njihovu efikasnost i legitimnost.
Građane Srbije odlikuje visoko nepoverenje u institucije (uključujući i one iz civilnog
sektora) i društveno-politički angažman, ali u poslednje vreme građanski aktivizam
je u porastu, naročito na lokalnom nivou. Pitanja koja animiraju ovo istraživanje
glase: Mogu li se organizacije građanskog društva čvršće povezati s ovim rastućim
apetitom za društveni aktivizam „odozdo“? Koje su najbolje prakse povezivanja
organizacija građanskog društva s društvenim akterima poput građana na lokalu,
(lokalnih) medija, naučnih eksperata, privrednih subjekata itd.? Ovim pitanjima tekst
pristupa iz perspektive pojma izgradnje „baze podrške“ (constituency), te analizira
postojeće prakse među formalnim i neformalnim organizacijama u Srbiji. Analiza je zasnovana na kvalitativnom empirijskom istraživanju sprovedenom među dvadeset
pet organizacija građanskog društva u periodu mart-maj 2024. godine
Demokratija pred sudom: Demokratija kao pravno primenjiv koncept u EU
No full textDemocracy is a justiciable concept under EU law. Beyond identifying the EU as being a representative democracy, the EU treaties provide relatively little guidance of what democracy entails. The context is the contestedness of the concept of democracy, especially across 27 polities of the Member States of the EU, and the potentially extensive review of national constitutional orders that could result from the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the EU regarding Article 2 TEU (Treaty on European Union) as a statement of foundational values of the EU. This paper considers, in particular, how the concept of democracy interacts with the other values in Article 2, principally, the rule of law and respect for human rights. The jurisdiction of the Court of Justice under Article 2 highlights the problem of determining the relative importance and interaction of the fundamental values of the EU given their relative incommensurability, including the problems of i. relating democracy at national and supranational levels in the EU and of ii. the limits of democratic authority. It is argued that Article 2 should be understood as presenting a complex problem of the inter-relationship of values for which a method of reflective equilibrium and a threshold test are essential for their application as justiciable concepts. Applying this framework or approach, the final part considers some examples of national practices relating to democracy that could be considered contrary to the values of democracy in EU law and subject to jurisdiction under Articles 2 and 7 TEU: the lengthening of parliamentary terms, recall procedures, and militant democracy.Demokratija je pravno primenljiv (justiciabilan) koncept u okviru prava Evropske unije. Iako
se EU identifikuje kao predstavnička demokratija, ugovori EU pružaju relativno malo smernica o tome šta demokratija zapravo podrazumeva. Kontekst ovog pitanja je u tome što je
sam pojam demokratije predmet sporenja, naročito među 27 političkih sistema država članica EU, kao i u potencijalno širokom preispitivanju nacionalnih ustavnih poredaka koje bi
moglo proisteći iz nadležnosti Suda pravde EU u vezi sa članom 2 Ugovora o Evropskoj uniji
(TEU), koji predstavlja izjavu o osnovnim vrednostima EU.
Ovaj rad se posebno bavi time kako se koncept demokratije prepliće sa ostalim vrednostima iz člana 2, pre svega sa vladavinom prava i poštovanjem ljudskih prava. Nadležnost
Suda pravde prema članu 2 naglašava problem određivanja relativne važnosti i međusobne
interakcije osnovnih vrednosti EU, imajući u vidu njihovu relativnu neuporedivost. To uključuje i probleme: i. povezivanja demokratije na nacionalnom i nadnacionalnom nivou u EU, i
ii. određivanja granica demokratskog autoriteta.
U radu se tvrdi da član 2 treba shvatiti kao predstavljanje složenog problema međusobnog odnosa vrednosti, za koji su neophodni metoda reflektivne ravnoteže i test praga kako
bi se ti koncepti mogli pravno primeniti.
Na osnovu ovog okvira, završni deo rada razmatra neke primere nacionalne prakse u vezi
sa demokratijom koje bi se mogle smatrati suprotnim vrednostima demokratije prema pravu
EU i koje bi mogle potpasti pod nadležnost prema članovima 2 i 7 TEU-a: produžavanje trajanja mandata parlamenata, postupci opoziva (recall procedures), i koncept “borbene demokratije” (militant democracy)
Ko (ni)je predstavljen u srpskom parlamentu?
No full textParlamenti bi trebalo da predstavljaju različite glasove i interese građana. Međutim, u njima se takođe mogu sistematski isključivati ili nedovoljno zastupati određene društvene grupe. Ova studija ispituje u kojoj meri Narodna skupština Republike Srbije ostvaruje svoj potencijal za sveobuhvatnu društvenu reprezentaciju. Izborni sistem u Srbiji omogućava dobru zastupljenost stranačkih lista, ali parlamentu nedostaje društvena ravnoteža. Prednost se daje muškarcima, visokoobrazovanima, osobama srednjih godina, stanovnicima Beograda, urbanih područja i pripadnicima viših društvenih slojeva. Prekomerna zastupljenost ovih grupa je prisutna u svim partijama, što ukazuje na strukturalni problem. Izborni sistem bi trebalo unaprediti uvođenjem preferencijalnog glasanja, jačanjem teritorijalne reprezentacije kroz uvođenje više izbornih jedinica i obezbeđivanjem da se rodna ravnopravnost zadrži u slučaju kada poslanici daju ostavke. Političke partije bi trebalo da predlažu raznovrsnije kandidate, uključujući marginalizovane grupe, te da daju veću autonomiju lokalnim odborima u predlaganju i odabiru kandidata.Demokratije nejednakosti je projekat FES regionalne kancelarije za međunarodnu saradnju Demokratija budućnosti. Glavni cilj je da se podstakne uporedno razumevanje o tome kako nejednakosti u glasanju, političkoj reprezentaciji i drugim demokratskim procesima štete demokratijama
Hermeneutik der Zukunft als Hermeneutik der technischen Zukunft
No full textThe text discusses the challenges that philosophy of technology increasingly faces due to the emergence of new, the so-called transclassical techniques. This applies particularly to the field of technology assessment, where a “hermeneutic turn” is emerging, within which communicative practices and strategies for understanding how to deal with new technologies are being developed, rather than consequentialist, prognostic, and scenario-based approaches. Furthermore, the contribution first highlights the diversity of hermeneutic approaches and then discusses the guiding concept of a “hermeneutics of the future” in the philosophy of technology as the constitutive primacy of the future in the existential sense
How to research political upheavals: Foucault’s genealogy as a method for creating engaged knowledge
No full textFoucault formulated his genealogical method in the wake of the student revolts of 1968,
aiming to develop a research approach that would both interpret political conflicts in his own
time and serve as a form of intervention within them. As such, he did not conceive of genealogy
as a neutral or distanced investigation of social struggles, but rather as a mode of active
engagement, describing it as a practice of “tool making.” This presentation addresses the
methodological challenges of the genealogical method, focusing on the relationship between the
researcher and the object of study, as well as the nature of the know ledge it produces. We begin
by discussing Foucault’s early 1970s understanding of political conflict as “war like” struggles
over the appropriation of what he called “rituals” rules that regulate power relations, i.e., social
institutions. We then turn t o his later concept of “resistance,” used in the late 1970s to describe
political struggles that challenge prevailing configurations of power. Foucault’s evolving view of
conflict and resistance is central to our inquiry, as such events act as “chemical catalysts” that
invite the researcher to reflect genealogically on institutional histories while also enabling a
critical distance from dominant modes of power regulation. We further examine how the
genealogical method produces a form of knowledge that is intentionally partisan, as the
genealogist consciously aligns with those who question existing power arrangements within
institutions. The presentation concludes with an analysis of contemporary Foucault scholar Luke
Ilott, who frames genealogy as a political method for building coalitions among social l method for building coalitions among social movements aimed at radical social transformation
Decision-making preferences for intuition, deliberation, friends or crowds in independent and interdependent societies
No full textWhen multiple ways of deciding are laid out side-by-side, which does one favour? We conducted experiments in 12 countries (n = 3517 individuals; 13 languages; two Indigenous communities), with adults choosing among four decision strategies—personal intuition, private deliberation, friends’ advice or crowd wisdom—when working through six everyday dilemmas. In every society, self-reliant decisions (intuition or deliberation) were most commonly preferred and considered the wisest. Expectations for fellow citizens, however, were mixed: advice from friends was expected about as often as self-reliant routes. The self-reliance tilt was strongest in cultures and individuals high in independent self-construal and need for cognition, and weakest where interdependence and self-transcendent reflection were salient. The same patterns emerged when examining ratings of each strategy’s utility and oral protocols with Indigenous groups. Self-reliance appears the modal preference across cultures, but its strength is predictably tempered when cultures, and individuals within them, construe the self in relational rather than autonomous terms
Something Old, Something New, Something Borrowed, Something Green: How Different Domains of Traditional, Alternative, and Complementary Medicine Use Are Rooted in an Irrational Mindset
No full textDespite insufficient evidence base for some of its practices, traditional, complementary, and alternative medicine (TCAM) use is rapidly growing; psychological roots of this trend are still under-studied. Based on previous research, input from TCAM practitioners, and content analysis of online media, we developed a comprehensive instrument to measure the use of TCAM and administered it to an online community sample (N=583). Factor analysis indicated four domains of TCAM use, in line with theoretical taxonomies: Alternative medical systems, Natural/biological products and practices, New Age medicine, and Rituals/Customs, all converging toward a common tendency. Irrational beliefs and cognitive biases, especially magical health beliefs and naturalness bias, predicted unique variance in both TCAM attitudes and overall TCAM use, above sociodemographic variables, reported health status, and ideological beliefs. Furthermore, each domain of TCAM use, although differing slightly in sociodemographic/psychological profile, was consistently associated with an irrational mindset, even after controlling for other factors. This provides strong evidence for exploring psychological susceptibility to the use of traditional, complementary, and alternative medicine
Postsocialist Feminism. The Conceptual Tools of Our Own
No full textThe guiding question of the article refers to the epistemological and affective tools available to the feminists born and living in any part of what used to be Eastern Europe during the Cold War. To describe these tools, four main debates within Eastern European feminism are revisited: the East/West debate, the debate on postsocialism and postcolonialism, the debate on history, and the gender/class debate. The assumptions and the stakes of these debates are delineated within the larger frame of the Eastern European return to the West, as well as the subsequent return from it. The major claim is that the tools we have are built on erasures. Thus, the article functions as a bid for self-conscious postsocialist feminism, for the creation of the conceptual tools that help us understand better where we stand—and even more importantly, where we want to stand
Social Radicalisms And Their Critiques
No full textRad nastoji da odredi sadržaj i domen operativne upotrebe pojma društvenog radikalizma. Uvodni delovi rada posvećeni su jezičkoj analizi samog termina i istorijskim kontekstima u kojima je korišćen. Središnji deo rada zauzimaju, prvo, prikaz dva klasična ili protoradikalizma, Žozefa de Mestra i Karla Marksa, a potom i dve tipske kritike radikalizma, Helmuta Plesnera i Karla Popera. S obzirom na izložena različita razumevanja radikalizma, u završnom odeljku signalizira se uputnost govorenja o njemu u pluralu, te mogućnost takoreći radikalne kritike radikalizma, koja se ne bi završavala u opominjanju na njegove potencijalno pogubne prevratničke posledice, već demontirala onu opčinjenost korenom (radix) koja leži u osnovi diskurzivne figure koju praktikuje.The paper seeks to determine the content and scope of the operational use of the concept of social radicalism. The introductory sections of the paper are dedicated to a linguistic analysis of the term itself and the historical contexts in which it was used. The central part of the paper is occupied, first, by a presentation of two classical or proto-radicalisms (Joseph de Maistre and Karl Marx), followed by two typical critiques of radicalism (Helmut Plessner and Karl Popper). Considering the various understandings of radicalism presented, the concluding section highlights the advisability of speaking about it in the plural, as well as the possibility of a so-called radical critique of radicalism, which would not end with warnings about its potentially disastrous revolutionary consequences but would dismantle the fascination with the root (radix) underlying the discursive figure it practices