University of Arts in Belgrade
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The Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia: Reaching Those Furthest Behind by Protecting Conflict-Affected Populations
No full textS one strane zapadnog ogledala – konstrukcija drugosti Balkana i Istočne Evrope u horor filmovima prve decenije XXI veka
No full textOd romana Brema Stokera o vampiru Drakuli pa do savremene pop kulture, Balkan i Istočna Evropa se sa svojim stanovnicima predstavljaju kao drugi u odnosu na Zapadnu Evropu. Cilj ovog rada je da pokaže kako savremeni „realistični“ horor filmovi (bez natprirodnih elemenata) nastavljaju tradiciju konstrukcije drugosti jedne regije kroz stvaranje specifične slike ne-zapadne Evrope kao „društvene divljine“ – raja za ilegalne prakse tj. kao svojevrsnog društveno numinoznog. To će biti postignuto putem dekonstrukcije strukture filmova odnosno: 1) same lokacije i načina njenog predstavljanja i 2) likova kroz koji se konstruiše distinkcija mi/drugi (pri čemu su drugi lokalno stanovništvo a mi posetioci sa zapada, najčešće žrtve) sa posebnim naglaskom na rodne uloge (stereotipno predstavljanje i konstrukciju muškosti/ženskosti lokalnih žena i muškaraca), s namerom da se otkrije šta je to što Balkan i Istočnu Evropu locira „s one strane društvenog ogledala“.Ever since Bram Stoker published his famous novel about the vampire Dracula, the region of the Balkan peninsula and Eastern Europe and its population have been represented as “other” compared to the West. The main goal of this paper is to deconstruct
how contemporary “realistic” horror movies (with no supernatural elements) continued
the tradition of constructing the region’s otherness by creating the image of Balkans/
East Europe as a “social wilderness” – a paradise for illegal practices. The emphasis
will be on the deconstruction of visual and narrative elements that push Balkans/Eastern Europe to the other side of social reality such as 1) the images of the region and its
environment and, 2) the characteristics of the main, supporting, and episode characters through the glances of their origin (western tourists/victims vs eastern hosts/perpetrators) and gender ((western and eastern) male vs (western and eastern) female)
Models And Directions of Development of Yugoslavia And Serbia in The Political Vision of Ivan Đurić
No full textČlanak se bavi istraživanjem političkih pogleda i vizije Srbije i Jugoslavije u idejama Ivana Đurića putem analize njegovih intervjua u domaćoj štampi tokom 1990. i 1991. godine, ali i analize sećanja Đurićevih bliskih saradnika, kao i dostupne arhivske građe i audio-vizuelnog materijala. Politička vizija Ivana Đurića reflektovala je njegov odnos prema pitanju daljeg društveno-političkog razvoja Srbije, odnosno Jugoslavije, na kraju hladnoratovske epohe. Stoga, putem analize njegovih političkih ideja, cilj je utvrditi kojim je pravcima, koncepcijama i modelima razvoja srpsko i jugoslovensko društvo, iz perspektive ovog angažovanog intelektualca, trebalo da streme. Rad se sastoji iz dva dela; u prvom delu prezentovani su istorijski kontekst na kraju hladnoratovske ere i pregled Đurićevog političkog i društvenog angažmana tokom 1990. i 1991. godine. U drugom delu predstavljeni su i obrazloženi konkretni primeri političkih, ekonomskih, socijalnih i kulturnih modela, koncepata i pravaca razvoja koje je zagovarao Ivan Đurić, a čijim je formulacijama nastojao da pruži adekvatne predloge i rešenja za prevladavanje opšte sistemske krize sa kojom se suočavala jugoslovenska zajednica.The article deals with the research of the political views and vision of Serbia and Yugoslavia in the ideas of Ivan Đurić through the analysis of his interviews in the domestic press during 1990 and 1991, but also through the analysis of the memories of Đurić’s
close associates, as well as available archival material and audio-visual material. The
political vision of Ivan Đurić reflected his attitude towards the issue of further socio-political development of Serbia, as well as Yugoslavia, at the end of the Cold War
era. Therefore, through the analysis of Đurić’s political ideas, the goal is to determine
which directions, concepts and models of development Serbian and Yugoslav society
should have aspired to, from the perspective of this engaged intellectual. The paper
consists of two parts; in the first part, the historical context at the end of the Cold War
era and an overview of Đurić’s political and social involvement during 1990 and 1991
are presented. In the second part, concrete examples of political, economic, social
and cultural models, concepts and directions of development advocated by Ivan Đurić,
by means of which he tried to provide adequate proposals and solutions for overcoming the general systemic crisis faced by the Yugoslav community, are presented and
analyzed
Mark Jarzombek, Architecture Constructed: Notes on a Discipline, Bloomsbury, London, 2023.
No full textFactors of Social Equilibrium Shaping and Preventing Violence
No full textKontinuirani pejzaž nasilja koje se odvija paralelno sa svakodnevnim životom
podriva naš osećaj blagostanja, bezbednosti i poverenja u efikasnost institucija
koje su očigledno neuspešne u usmeravanju pojedinca da deluje i reaguje na društveno
poželjan način. Autorke u tekstu razmatraju fenomen nasilja unutar okvira objektivno
uspostavljenih struktura i sticaja datih okolnosti, među kojima dominiraju ekonomska
polarizacija i polarizacija moći, argumentujući da masovna ubistva iz vatrenog oružja
predstavljaju faktore koji značajnije utiču na pojavu i učestalost nasilja. Kako je moralna
kompetencija jedan od ključnih resursa društva za uspešno suočavanje sa adaptivnim
zahtevima, posebno tokom kriznih situacija, povećanje povezanosti, razvoj moralne
kompetencije i povećavanje empatije imperativi su za izgradnju društva koje može
dosledno i uspešno da odgovoriti na (moralne) izazove koje mu postavlja okolina. Cilj
ovog rada je da pruži osvrt na socijalne i individualne faktore kao uzročnike pojave
nasilja, društveni ambijent i opšti kontekst nasilja, kao i da ukaže na značaj moralne
kompetencije za sprečavanje nasilja i umanjenje rizika neadekvatnog reagovanja društva
na moralne izazove.The continuous landscape of violence that unfolds parallel to everyday life
undermines our sense of well-being, security, and trust in the effectiveness of institutions
that are evidently failing to guide individuals to act and react in socially desirable
ways. In the paper, the authors explore the phenomenon of violence within the
framework of objectively established structures and the circumstances under which
economic polarization and power polarization dominate, arguing that mass shootings
represent factors that significantly influence the emergence and frequency of violence. Since moral competence is one of the key resources of society for successfully
coping with adaptive demands, particularly during crises, increasing connectedness,
developing moral competence, and enhancing empathy are imperatives for
building a society that can consistently and effectively respond to the (moral) challenges
posed by its environment. The paper aims to point towards ideas on violence
prevention by affirming the importance of moral competence in preventing violence,
thereby preventing moral confusion, and reducing the risk of society‘s inadequate
response to moral challenges
Od „Želimo da uništimo režim“ do „Želimo da uništimo svetski poredak“: ruska multipolarnost i angažovanje post-arapskog proleća Dar al-Islam
No full textThe Arab Spring produced new optimism in the Middle East regarding the possibility of democracy at the heart of the Muslim world. However, as the years passed, such optimism abated, leaving bitterness and cynicism in its wake. During the Arab Spring, Vladimir Putin watched in horror as numerous “strong men” lost power, or nearly lost power, including his ally, Bashar al-Assad. Determined not to allow what he saw as the West’s meddling in the Middle East provide a template for his own removal from power, Putin embarked on an anti-Western campaign to create a “multipolar world,” one that would liberate the strong men rulers from the demands of the “rules-based order,” i.e., the “unipolar world.” Key to the success of this campaign was the fostering of an alliance between the Russkii Mir (Russian World) and the dār al-Islām (Abode of Islam). Together with other parts of the world, such a coalition would resist the collective power of the Western world and attempt to bring about global conditions wherein “traditional” peoples can express their cultural, political, and economic particularities without being subject to the corrosive influence of the West. Key to this anti-Occident ideology is the far-right Russian philosopher, Alexander Dugin, and his neo-Eurasianist ideology. This essay explores how Dugin’s “reactionary modernist” ideology contributes to the struggles against the unipolar world, while at the same time arguing that his philosophy will most likely not be successful within the dār al-Islām for a variety of political, social, and religious reasons. If the promises of the Arab Spring are ever to come to fruition, this article argues, it will not be through a palingenetic Russia led by Putin.Arapsko proleće proizvelo je novi optimizam na Bliskom istoku u pogledu mogućnosti demokratije u srcu muslimanskog sveta. Međutim, kako su godine prolazile, takav optimizam
je jenjavao, ostavljajući za sobom gorčinu i cinizam. Tokom Arapskog proleća, Vladimir Putin
je sa užasom gledao kako su brojni „diktatori“ (skoro) u potpunosti izgubili moć, uključujući
i njegovog saveznika Bašara el Asada. Odlučan da ne dozvoli da ono što je video, kao i mešanje Zapada na Bliskom istoku daju šablon za njegovo uklanjanje sa vlasti, Putin je krenuo
u anti-zapadnu kampanju s ciljem da stvori „multipolarni svet“, svet koji bi oslobodio moćne
vladare od zahteva „poretka zasnovanog na pravilima“, odnosno od „unipolarnog sveta“. Ključ
uspeha ove kampanje bilo je negovanje saveza između Ruskog mira i KDar al-Islam-a. Zajedno sa drugim delovima sveta, takva koalicija bi se oduprla kolektivnoj moći zapadnog sveta
i pokušala da stvori globalne uslove u kojima „tradicionalni“ narodi mogu da izraze svoje kulturne, političke i ekonomske posebnosti, a da pritom ne budu podvrgnuti korozivnom uticaju
zapada. Ključ za ovu anti-zapadnu ideologiju je krajnje desničarski ruski filozof Aleksandar
Dugin i njegova neo-evroazijska ideologija. Ovaj rad istražuje kako Duginova „reakcionarna
modernistička“ ideologija doprinosi borbi protiv unipolarnog sveta, dok u isto vreme pokazuje da njegova filozofija najverovatnije neće biti uspešna u Dar al-Islam-u zbog niza političkih, društvenih i verskih razloga. Ako se obećanja arapskog proleća ikada ostvare, ovaj rad
pokazuje, to neće biti kroz palingenetičku Rusiju koju vodi Putin
A framework for the feminist anthropology of science
No full textThis research aims to establish a theoretical framework for the feminist anthropology of
science. The research question I will answer is: what does it mean to do anthropology of science
as a feminist? The core thesis I will defend goes as follows: feminist anthropology of science
investigates contemporary science in practice to uncover gender bias in local scientific cultures
or to illuminate whether the knowledge produced by the sciences it investigates is useful for
feminist aims. To support my claim, my research strategy consists of finding ways to integrate
feminist philosophy of science (FPoS) and critical anthropology of science (CAoS)
Comparative Study of Digital Media Activity and Political Participation of 8th Graders in Five Balkan Countries: A secondary analysis using the ICCS 2022 database
No full textResearch shows that young people have little interest in the political sphere and that
the rate of their political participation could be higher. While considering various researchers’ work on this topic, we aim to reassess their methodological solutions. Based
on inquiries of many authors we intend to display more contemporary ways of dealing with questions regarding the political participation of young people. Phenomena
such as memes, specific social networks, and petitions can be part of the new way of
research that is missing from mainstream works about youth political participation.
The first step is seeing young people as „digital natives“ to whom the definition of political is entirely different from conceptions used in recent works. We argue that future
work on this topic can be done – to better grasp the problems of youth participation
in a global society whose entire infrastructure is digital. To answer this problem, we
used The International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) framework,
which is a large-scale international research project. The ICCS investigates the ways
in which young people are prepared to undertake their roles as citizens in a variety of
countries around the world. All of the countries that participated in the ICCS project
used nationally representative samples. We analysed responses of the 8th graders from
all of the Balkan country participants: Croatia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia. We formulated two research questions: Is digital media activity (DMA) correlated
with political participation?; Is DMA correlated with the achievement on the ICCS
test? Students that participated in the ICCS study completed a civic education test
and shared their attitudes about various civic and political topics that were included
in the ICCS questionnaire. To answer the first research question, we conducted correlation analyses of DMA with various variables of political participation (expected
electoral participation, expected political participation, environmental activities, trust
in institutions, willingness to participate in school civic activities). Country average
correlation coefficients were all positive and significant: r=0.08-0.21. The other question regards the connection of DMA and political knowledge. We conducted correlation analyses of DMA with students’ achievements on the ICCS test. We observed a
negative correlation with students’ ICCS achievement on the test in all of the Balkan
countries (r=.-15). We conclude that digital media use is a valid and important phenomenon in understanding the political participation of the youth