University of Arts in Belgrade
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Da li je političkom liberalizmu potreban neki model rasuđivanja pre preklapajućeg konsenzusa?
In his Liberalism without Perfection, Jonathan Quong argues for internal conception of political liberalism which goal is to show that a liberal well-ordered society is internally coherent ideal and that citizens who would be raised in such society could endorse and support their own liberal institutions and principles if those institutions and principles are justified in particular way These institutions should be justified by particular conception of public reason which main feature is that overlapping consensus is the first stage of its justificatory structure. So, public reasoning of citizens in well-ordered society should be based solely on values and ideas inherent to liberal conception of justice – freedom, equality, fair system of cooperation and burdens of judgment. Another important feature of Quong’s conception of public reason concerns its scope. Quong argues for a wide scope of public reason which demands that all coercive or binding laws or public policies should be justified (whenever possible) on basis of these values alone. Thus, reasonable citizens in well-ordered society by definition accord deliberative priority to public reasons over their other comprehensive or nonpublic beliefs whenever they exercise their collective political power over one another. The problem I raise in this paper is that it is very likely that in well-ordered society there will be a group of citizens that will not accord full deliberative priority to political values, especially not at all levels of political deliberation. On certain issues they will like to see their particular values being realized through common political institutions. If our political theory excludes this group from justificatory constituency on this particular issue or categorize them as unreasonable it can easily undermine their general adherence to liberal conception of justice and endanger stability of well-ordered society. Thus, my point is that we need a further development of political liberalism to solve such problems not as a part of non-ideal theory but as a part of its ideal of well-ordered society
Slabost stimulusa: Kvajn i Vvitgenštajn
Quine and Wittgenstein were dominant figures in philosophy in the middle of the twentieth century. Many readers, like Quine himself, have felt that there are deep similarities between the two thinkers, though those similarities are difficult to articulate. I argue that they share the project of understanding the meaning of utterances by reference to the environment of the speaker, though they understand that environment in radically different ways. In particular, Quine has a much thinner conception of the environment than does Wittgenstein. For Quine, the stimulus is impoverished in a
way that it is not for Wittgenstein. I also argue that they share a certain deflationary approach to ontology
Moral above juristic norms in relation to students with special needs
Authors of this work attempted to accentuate the importance of moral behavior towards
the students with disabilities during their studies. Contemporary pedagogic tendency
allows students to choose the way they would behave in every day situations that require
moral attitude, so in that relation the student becomes an active subject, a potential carrier
of emancipatory attitudes and standards in behaving towards his fellow students which
happened to have some kind of disability. Using actual examples from real situations and
having in mind the importance of the intertwining of broad social categories, identities
and dynamic involved (gender, class, age, etc), the authors attempt to prove that students
with disabilities can accept the difference of human beings as common and positive thing
if helped by fellow students and teachers despite the general thought present in actual
society they live in and despite of reflections of bad socio-economic conditions
Violenza e messianismo
Tradotto nel problema del messianismo, la questione che poniamo in questo libro è di sapere se esista un legame tra la violenza (la guerra) e la venuta del Messia (della giustizia, della democrazia, dell’ordine, della pace). In questa prospettiva, di quanta violenza c’è bisogno? E quali figure di violenza sono in grado di condurvi? È possibile l’agire messianico? È necessario agire violentemente perché giunga una nuova epoca? Si tratta dunque di cercare l’agire che, d’urgenza, conduca all’altro e ne sia pertanto l’attesa. A tal riguardo, la filosofia come prassi è già un agire politico che possiede un potenziale messianico o rivoluzionario. Ci coinvolge, poiché essa cerca di associare e includere tutti, cerca di fare entrare in un divenire attivo o, il che è lo stesso, di far sì che nessuno rimanga passivo. Essa dimostra l’urgenza di costruire, al più presto, una città giusta. Solo ad essa, la possibilità che sopraggiunga una nuova epoca storica ci fornisce una ragione sufficiente per continuare a leggere e a fare filosofia. L’avvenire della prima è inseparabile dall’avvenire della seconda
Philosophy and War: Hegel's Therapeutic Movement of the Spirit
In addition to AxelHonneths thesis on the therapeuticfunction of the concept of ethical life in Hegel’s philosophy, I want to underline two moments which, to my mind, show Hegel’s views on the therapeutic dimension of both philosophy and the war against the pathology of civil society more clearly. In this context, (a) philosophy performs a corrective function by fos- tering the individual’s virtue conceived as an ethical duty of care both for oneselfand for others. The main aim of Hegel’s practical philosophy is hence to return the individual from abstract subjective concepts to his concrete everyday intersubjective practices, and to show him the way to understand himself and the social world as originally related to each other; (b) one of the 87
main problems for the moral development of individuals consists in their propensity to perceive the good in particularist and selfish terms: in this context events such as natural disasters or wars can be seen as performing a therapeutic function by teaching individuals to view the good in more prin- cipled and general terms