University of Arts in Belgrade
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Čemu još obrazovanje?
No full textОвај рад се усредсређује на неколико наивних питања која темељно оспоравају идеју образовања, а потом и њену модерну реализацију. Сугестија је да и даље постоје непропитани трошкови и прокријумчарене дилеме унутар неподељено прихваћене образовне стратегије Запада, који онда оптерећују и њене савремене диспуте нижег степена општости: опште или специјалистичко, културно детерминисано или универзално, стандардизовано или дерегулисано, униформно или плурално, привилеговано или свима доступно, елитно или „отворено” образовање? Верујемо да би тако заоштрено рашчишћавање појмовног терена указало на оне претпостављене сврхе, функције и исходе образовања због којих се инвестирање у њега непрестано детектује као незадовољавајуће, а оно само се приказује као да је у хроничној кризи.This paper focuses on a few simple questions that fundamentally challenge the idea of education, as well as its modern realization. The suggestion is that, within the undividedly accepted educational strategy of the West, there are still uninspected costs and smuggled dilemmas. They then burden the contemporary disputes over education at a lower level of generality: general or vocational, culturally determined or universal, standardized or deregulated, uniform or plural, privileged or available to all, elite or “open” education, and so on. We believe that such thorough clearing up of conceptual field would point to those presumed purposes, functions, and outcomes of education which make its investments seem constantly unsatisfactory, and education itself appears chronically in crisis
Confronting European diversity: Deliberation in a Transnational and Pluri-Lingual Setting
No full textIn this article, we confront some commonly held assumptions and objections with regard to the feasibility of deliberation in a transnational and pluri-lingual setting. To illustrate our argument, we rely on an analysis of group discussions from EuroPolis, a transnational deliberative experiment that took place one week ahead of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. The European deliberative poll is an ideal case for testing the viability of deliberative democracy across political cultures because it introduces variation in terms of constituency and group plurality under the controlled conditions of quasi-experimental scientific setting. For measuring group dynamics and interactions we apply a modified version of the Discourse Quality Index (DQI) that is combined with a qualitative content analysis of selected sequences of discussions. Findings show that participants of transnational deliberative polling 1) generally recognise the EU polity as a reference point for exercising communicative power and impact on decision-making, and 2) are in fact able to interact and debate across languages and cultures, developing a self-awareness of citizens of a shared polity and thereby turning a heterogeneous group of randomly selected citizens into a constituency of democracy
Mediji i političko ubeđivanje
No full textPublic opinion is important for political decisions. Politicians change public attitudes. They often turn public disagreement to predominant support for some policies (Mutz, etal. 1996).
Long term change of political attitudes is caused by slow development of personality types (Riesman 1950). Research efforts in the field of political persuasion were based on personality stability, rather than media influence.
On the other hand, changes in public opinion and social conditions occur frequently. According to Lewin (1936) attitudes are function of people and circumstances. If individual attitudes change according to the circumstances it makes no sense to perceive their dependance on slow personality change. In recent times researchers have been measuring attitudes as specters of possible acceptance and rejection of ideas, not as points of estimates.
Starting point of political attitude change research is variability of public opinion. Research examine how politicians use media for framing and priming. They use chosen arguments to change public perception. Thus, changing the balance of arguments is essential for attitude change. Power of media is not telling the citizens what to think, but rather what to think about.
Dealing with public matters politicians often behave strategically, rarely sincere. They speak about general issues, not concrete political decisions. Citizens form their attitudes based on cues. They are aware of main media messages, while ignoring most of news and reports. Citizens interpret interpretations. Politicians think ahead about interpretations, shaping their messages to achieve desired effects
Liberalism Without Perfection: Replies to Lister, Kulenović, Zoffoli, Zelić, and Baccarini
No full textI would like to begin by thanking all the contributors to this symposium,especially Elvio Baccarini, who hosted the conference at the University of Rijeka where several of the papers in this symposium were initially presented. I’ve learned a great deal from these essays, and I’m very fortunate for my work to be the subject of such careful and perceptive philosophical attention. Below I offer some replies to each contributor, though I do not address all the important points raised in each paper
Éric Fassin : La pensée de/et la politiqueau-delà des alternatives insatisfaisantes
No full textÉric Fassin
est sociologue, professeur à l’Université Paris 8 Vincennes-
Saint-Denis (Département de science politique et Centre d’études féminineset d’études de genre) et chercheur à l’Institut de recherche interdisciplinaire
sur les enjeux sociaux (IRIS, CNRS / EHESS) et au Laboratoire Théories duPolitique (LabToP / CRESPPA). Il travaille sur la politisation des questions
sexuelles et raciales.
Il est l’auteur de nombreux ouvrages:
Liberté, égalité,sexualités: actualité politique des questions sexuelles,
avec Clarisse Fabre
(Belfond /
Le Monde
, 2003),
L’inversion de la question homosexuelle (
Ams-
terdam, 2005), Question sociale, question raciale ?, avec Didier Fassin (La
Découverte, 2006),
Les Chrétiens et la sexualité au temps du sida, avec
Lytta Basset et Timothy Radcliffe (Cerf, 2007),
Droit conjugal et unions de
même sexe. Mariage, partenariat et concubinage dans neuf pays européens
,
avec Kees Waaldijk (PUF, 2008),
Le sexe politique. Genre et sexualité au
miroir transatlantique (
EHESS, 2009),
Hommes, femmes: quelle différence
?
, avec Véronique Margron (Salvator, 2011),
Démocratie précaire. Chroniquesde la déraison d’État
(La Découverte, 2012),
Roms & riverains. Une politiquemunicipale de la race
, avec Carine Fouteau, Serge Guichard, Aurélie Windels
(La Fabrique, 2014),
Gauche : l’avenir d’une désillusion
(Textuel, 2014)
Book of Abstracts / 13th International Conference on Philosophical Practice: Philosophical Practice as a Profession and a New Paradigm in Philosophy, 15-18 August, Belgrade, 2014
No full text
Two Conflicting Interpretations of Social Philosophy
No full textIn this paper I present two philosophers, namely Maurice Merle- au-Ponty and Jean-Paul Sartre, but from the perspective of social philosophy. I emphasize that social philosophy proves to be a rarity today, and this expla¬ins the necessity of articulation of the achievements of these philosophers. In particular, I analyze the relationship between the articulation of intersubjec¬tivity and social philosophy and on the basis of these relations I present the differences and conflicts between the aforementioned philosophers. Merleau- -Pontys philosophy is explained from the perspective of unbroken intersubjec-tivity; the philosophy of Sartre is presented on the basis of the relation between transcendental subjectivity and intersubjectivity. The article follows the ge-nealogical approach, that is, it highlights the dynamics of the thinking of these thinkers in order to show the displacements. Finally, I develop the thesis that the late Sartre, who remained within the frames of Marx’s approach, actually reinterprets the early indications to be found in Merleau-Ponty con¬cerning social philosophy. Consequently, late Sartre is still an important re¬ference point in terms of the critical philosophy of society
