University of Arts in Belgrade
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The Owl of Minerva from Dusk till Dawn, or, Two Shades of Gray
No full textThe paper takes as its starting point the figure of the owl as the emblem of philosophy, it looks at its history and takes up its most significant philosophical use, the notoriouspassage where Hegel uses the owl as the indication of philosophy's necessary belatedness. This is the passage which is usually taken as the point of indictment of Hegel’s position and the role he ascribed to philosophy. Hegel’s adage ‘What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational’ is scrutinized in its various aspects, particularly in view of its other version, ‘what is rational must happen’. The tension between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought’ is perhaps the clue to understanding this adage, where Hegel doesn’t opt for the one or the other, but aims at the paradoxical intersection of the two. Hegel’s adage is put in contrast with Marxs Thesis Eleven. The paper considers the concepts of the rational, the actual, the belatedness/retroaction, the grayness and finally the owl (and the part that bestiary plays in philosophy), thus trying to circumscribe the task that should be assigned to philosophy
How is a Philosophy of Photography Possible?
No full textThis paper focuses on the following question: how is philosophy of anything possible? Where lies the boundary of specialisation area beyond which the term “philosophy” loses not only its strength, but also its meaning? When we talk about specific genre, for example, graphic art or sculpture we use the term “philosophy” in a broader, metaphorical sense. Why then should philosophy of photography be any different? All of the above mentioned questions are discussed in the present article. Philosophy of photography is, indeed, a legitimate discipline, just as philosophy of language, philosophy of science and technology and philosophy of politics are
In Defense of Hegel's Madness
No full textThe article is a confrontation with Robert Brandom’s reading of Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, his attempt to systematically “renormalize” Hegel, i.e., to reduce his extravagant formulations to the criteria of common sense. The article analyses a number of Brandom’s “domestications” of Hegel’s speculative concepts: self-relating, determinate negation, mediation, In-itself, action, knowledge, Spirit, reconciliation, history. On the basis of the examples from Marx, Freud, structuralism, Lévi-Strauss, Althusser, Lacan, Adorno, the text defends Hegel’s “madness”, the irreducible speculative, non-interpretable core of his philosophy. Hegel’s statements have to shock us, and this excess cannot be explained away through interpretation since the truth they deliver hinges on that
Permaculture as a new political culture
No full textТекст разматра потенцијал једне поткултуре која себе
сматра одрживом у својој окренутости природној (ре)продукци
ји живота. Посебност ове поткултуре, која се шири планетом, а
већ годинама задобија присталице и у Србији, манифестује се у
освешћивању различитих аспеката потребе за поновним повези
вањем са природом и њеним законима у свим видовима живота.
Њено полазиште је брига о животу на Земљи на основу принципа
природе. Уређујући односе у окружењу према принципима еколо
шке економије, она повезује технологију и нау к у са древним уви
дима који су у складу са савременим научним теоријама. Назив
пермакултура садржи идеју перманентне, самообнoвљиве културе
и одговарајуће култивације свих аспеката живота. Усмерена је на
осмишљавање ниша у којима еколошки начин живота предста
вља узоран отклон од недостатака цивилизације која убрзано уни
штава окружење и дехуманизује свет. То је концепт који превази
лази уобичајену дихотомију између урбаног и руралног, али његова
сличност са утопистичком жељом за бекством од кобних утицаја
технологије цивилизацијског система чини да са становишта са
мог тог система пермакултура по дефиницији остаје маргинална.
Ипак, с обзиром на катастрофалне слабости неолиберлне поли
тичке културе, несумњив је њен потенцијал да ствара нову врсту
политичке културе.This article deals with the potential of a subculture which considers itself sustainable through orientation towards natural (re)production of life. Distinctiveness of this subculture is spreading across the planet, gathering its supporters in Serbia as well. It shows a developing awareness of various aspects of need for reconnection with nature and its laws in all the lifeforms. It is rooted in caring for life on Earth by following the principles of nature. By harmonizing relations within the
environment connected to the principles of ecological economy, it links technology and science with ancient insights that are in accord with contemporary scientific views. The label “permaculture” stands to point out the idea of a permanent regenerating of culture and cultivating all aspects of life. It is directed towards a conception of niches in which
the ecological way of living represents a pattern of restraint from the shortcomings of civilization which rapidly destroy the environment and dehumanize the world. The concept of permaculture surpasses the common urban/rural dichotomy although its resemblance to the utopian desire to escape the system of technological civilization makes it, from the point of view of that system, marginal by default. However, considering catastrophic weaknesses of the neo-liberal political culture,
the concept still has a potential to create a new kind of political culture
The necessity of an industrial policy for reindustrialisation of the Republic of Serbia
No full textIndustrija, a posebno prerađivačka industrija, osnovni je pokretač privrednog
razvoja. Bez aktivne države putem industrijske politike razvoj industrije nije moguć.
Mada je Vlada Republike Srbije donela strateški dokument „Strategija i politika
razvoja industrije Srbije u period 2011-2020“, mere iznete u ovom dokumentu nisu
u skladu sa načelima industrijske politike. Ovaj dokument industrijsku politiku vidi
kao privatizaciju i liberalizaciju uz podršku otvaranju novih preduzeća bez obzira u
kom su sektoru, dok je upravo aktivna promocija i zaštita tzv. „šumpeterijalnskih
aktivnosti“ neophodna za reindustrijalizaciju zemlje. U okviru ovog rada smo
pokazali da su danas najrazvijenije zemlje sveta u toku procesa sustizanja
tadašnjih svetskih lidera koristile aktivnu ulogu države u podsticanju razvoja
njihove tada mlade industrije. Mada ne koriste naziv industrijske politike, većina
vlada razvijenih kapitalističkih privreda i dalje interveniše na tržištu i utiče na
privredu. Ove intervencije su najčešće opisane kao „politike konkurentnosti“ i
mnoge zemlje su donele programe s ciljem da povećaju konkurentnost svojih
privreda, prvenstveno kroz ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj. Za privredni razvoj
Srbije od ključnog je značaja aktivna uloga države da kroz mere industrijske
politike podstakne revitalizaciju industrije.Industry, particularly manufacturing, is the main driver of economic development.
Without an active state through an industrial policy industrial development is not
possible. Although the Government of the Republic of Serbia adopted the
document Strategy and Policy of Industrial Development of Serbia in the period
2011-2020, the measures presented in this document are not in accordance with
the main tenets of industrial policy. In this document, industrial policy is seen as
privatization and liberalization with the support for new enterprises regardless of
the sector in which they operate. However, active promotion of so called
“Schumpeterian activities” is essential for (re)industrialization of a country. In this
paper we showed that the most developed countries in their process of catching
up with the leaders of the time carefully fostered and incentivised development of
their infant industries. Although they often do not use the name of industrial
policy, most governments of developed capitalist economies intervene in the
market and affect the economy in a highly selective manner. These interventions
are the most often described as a "competition policy", and many countries have
announced programs aimed to raise competitiveness, which typically focus on
incentives for research and development and innovation. Thus, for the economic
development of Serbia the state should have an essential role. It should encourage
revitalization of manufacturing through industrial policy
Narativna koncepcija ličnog i kolektivnog identiteta
No full textКонцепције индивидуалног и колективног идентитета играју кључну
динамичку улогу у формирању индивидуалног и колективног погледа на свет. Тај
поглед на свет, у свом филозофском значењу, одређује схватање себе самог и односа у
којима се налазимо. Управо стога су такозване „политике идентитета“ имале толики
значај у разумевању самосхватања заједнице, политичког система и колективних права
у 20. и на почетку 21. века (Паркер, 2005). У овом разматрању се бавимо структуром
односа између личног и колективног идентитета са тачке гледишта „теорије наратива“.
Савремена наративна концепција идентитета ослања се семиналне радове Пола Рикера
(Paul Ricoeur, 1991) и Марије Шехтман (Marya Schechtman, 1996), као и Данијела Денета
(Daniel Dennett, 1992), Џин Филипс (Jean Phillips, 2003), Сузан Брајсон (Susan
Brison, 1997, 2002), и других
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – a paradigm of the paralyzed system
No full textThe Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has suffered the same fate as all other two-unit federations. The purpose of its creation was the desire of the state authorities in Belgrade to keep the continuity of the former state. In the negotiation process, each republic (i.e. party that was in power), wanted to create out of the federation what was most needed at the time. In the analysis of the political life of the federation, it can be seen two five-year periods. The first is the period that starts with its formation and lasts until the split in the Montenegrin ruling party. The main characteristic of that period was the paralysis of the federal system. There were almost no federal institutions that successfully performed its role during this period. The reason wasn’t only the powerlessness of these authorities to constitute and establish its authority, but also the obstruction of the authorities. The second period that can be identified starts with the beginning of the breaking of the federal coalition and lasts until the end of the federal state itself. When the Federal Constitutional Court appeared as a political actor with the intention to resolve an intense electoral dispute in the smaller Republic, the constitutional agreement on which the state rested: “there is no federal interference in the republic’s affairs” – was disrupted. The demolition of the constitutional/coalition agreement also meant the demolition of the entire state.Savezna Republika Jugoslavija po svom raspadu nije bila predmet ozbiljne politikološke analize u stručnoj literaturi. Ovaj rad ima za cilj da razmotri okolnosti u kojima je nastala i funkcionisala ova federacija. Osnovna postavka je da je Savezna Republika Jugoslavija nastala kao dogovor partijskih oligarhija u dve republike članice i da se u srži konstitucionalnog dogovora nalazio pakt o nemešanju u republičke poslove od strane federalnih organa, te da je federacija doživela krah onda kada je ovaj dogovor bio narušen
Widewalls.ch: Srbija između savremene umetnosti, kapitalizma i globalizacije
No full textTržište savremene umetnosti deluje u okviru diskurzivnog sveta koji je umnogome udaljen od ideje savremene umetnosti kao naslednika avangardnih i neoavangardnih društveno-aktivističkih eksperimenata u društvu. Internet, kao i umetnost u savremeno doba podjednako su deo sveta neoliberalnog kapitalizma pod čijim okriljem funkcionišu kulturne institucije, proizvodnja umetnosti, kao i srpsko društvo. Predstavljanjem i pozicioniranjem internet platforme Widewalls.ch koja deluje u okviru svetskog tržišta umetnina analiziraćemo preplitanja diskursa sajber kulture, savremene umetnosti i neoliberalnog kapitalizma u specifičnom položaju kakav Republika Srbija ima u već poodmaklom procesu globalizacije