University of Arts in Belgrade
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Osvrt na inostranu recepciju radova Jovana Babića
No full textU ovom radu se razmatra inostrana recepcija radova Jovana Babića, za koju se ispostavlja daje u velikoj meri živa i raznolika. To razmatranje je ograničeno na kratak i sasvim parcijalan prikaz recepcije samo dva Babićeva teksta koji su zasad privukli najviše pažnje
Should Philosophical Practice Concern Itself with Genocide?
No full textThis volume presents the state of the art of philosophical practice worldwide from the perspectives of leading philosophical practitioners, both counselors and institutional consultants. Philosophical practice has developed in different directions in different parts of the world, with the focus in Europe and North America being mostly on client counseling and corporate consultancy, while in Asia it is more community-based and more closely aligned with psychotherapy. In all cases, philosophical practitioners strive to transcend the boundaries of academic philosophy and reach out to the public, to corporations, to the policy makers, to the medical, legal and many other professions. The chapters of this book illustrate both the breadth of philosophical practice and its various methodological directions, while, at the same time, showing how philosophy can be relevant to everyday life, not just for individuals, but for the economy, the government, international organizations, the helping and therapeutic professions, and the educational system. The volume is primarily a companion for students of applied philosophy on all levels, as well as for modern psychotherapists, educational professionals and academics. It is designed to support a variety of undergraduate and postgraduate courses in philosophy and applied psychology, ranging from ancient ethics to philosophical practice sui generis, or to the philosophy of psychology
Утицај идеологије политичких партија на јавну потрошњу у државама Вишеградске групе
No full textАутор настоји да истражи однос између идеологије владајућих политичких партија и нивоа јавне потрошње у четири бивше социјалистичке државе (Мађарска, Пољска, Чешка, Словачка), у транзиционом периоду од 1994. до 2004. године. У ту сврху, израђен је статистички модел у који су, поред идеолошке оријентације, уврштене и друге потенцијалне предикторске вредности: стопа раста бруто домаћег производа, стопа незапослености, демографски фактор (проценат старијих од 60 година у укупној популацији), присуство Међународног монетарног фонда и варијабла изборне године. Резултати указују на закључак да идеологија политичких партија има јак утицај на ниво јавне потрошње
Interpretacije ženskog tela u tekstualnim prostorima umetnosti i kulture
No full textKnjiga se bavi istraživanjem mesta ženskog kroz jezik, kulturu i umetnost, odnosno pitanjima pozicioniranosti ženskog subjektiviteta u mestu intersekcije telesnosti i tekstualnosti. Kroz knjigu su prikazani dijalozi različitih pristupa feminizama i studija roda ovom problemu, kao i pitanje (krize/konstantne reartikulacije) subjektiviteta kao takvog. Posebna pažnja je posvećena ženskom pismu u umetnosti i pitanjima (ne)mogućnosti izvođenja drugačijeg, mekog, različnog pisma kroz jezik i umetnost koji bi poslužio ne nužno kao osnova za klasičnu revoluciju i otpor (onome što je teoretizovano kao oštrica patrijarhata, falogocentričnom, Falusu kao Označitelju), već kao osnov za dijalog i kreiranje prostora za svaki subjektivitet u formaciji/procesu ponaosob. Kao platforme teksta odabrani su poststrukturalizmi, studije roda, feminizmi, postfeminizmi, teorija umetnosti i teorijska psihoanaliza, a diskutovane su i studije slučaja iz oblasti umetnosti i kulture
Education and enlightenment: preliminary cost estimate for the establishment of modern educational policy
No full textУ овом раду аутор истражује однос просветне теорије и праксе осамнаестог века и ставова оног интелектуалног и друштвеног покрета који је као „просве-титељство“ обележио то доба. Налази се да просветитељи не само да нису били, како се уобичајено мисли, заговорници и заступници обавезног и универзалног основног образовања, него су се најчешће директно супротстављали таквој зами-сли и исказивали озбиљне резерве у погледу могућности њеног остварења. Аутор указује на два могућа тумачења упадљивог одбијања просветитеља да подрже општеобразовна просветна настојања свог времена. Према једном, просвети-тељска концепција образовања се разликовала од просветне, као што се и „про-свећеност“ разликовала од „образованости“, те су просветитељи пре продубили јаз између образованих о необразованих, елите и пука, владара и народа, разложно упозоравајући да њено брисање може да се извшри само на штету оба. Друго ту-мачење гласи да наглашена уздржаност просветитеља према масовном образо-вању није била (толико) визионарско, разложно и рефлектовано упозорење на друштвене трошкове обавезног општег образовања, чија оправданост је посве-дочена његовим неретко фарсичним увођењем после Француске револуције, ко-лико рефлекс оних епохалних, пре свега материјалних и кадровских ограничења, из чије перспективе је свака његова доследна реализација морала да изгледа непо-жељном и практично неостваривом. Аутор сугерише да су и они „концептуални“ и ови „историјски“ мотиви, у једној асиметричној и неједнозначној интеракцији, играли улогу у, само на први поглед, неочекиваној артикулацији изразито нега-тивног држања просветитељства према идеји народне просвете.In this paper the author undertakes the exploration of the relationship between educational theory and practice of the eighteenth century and, on the other side, the stances of the intellectual and social movement of the age called "Enlightenment". The finding is not only that enlighteners were not, as commonly thought, proponents and advocates of universal and compulsory primary education, but that they have oftenly directly opposed to such ideas and expressed serious reservations about the possibility of its realization. Through its most important representatives, they have demonstrated very little trust in the people and almost no faith in the ability of its indigenous enlightenment. However, they felt less futile the commitment to the education "from the top", which they tried to implement in words and deeds, relying on "the minds of the rulers".
On the other hand, attempts at establishing or reforming school system taken by the European states of the eighteenth century, in order to make education as widely available as possible, mostly ends in failure. The educational effects, if there were any, were not directly succeeded from organized efforts of the massification of education. Certain measured and operational liberalization of teaching, if were practiced at all or even gain momentum, since the beginning encounters with the resistance, especially of the parents of the students. That was the testimony of wanderings in the quest for universal model of educational standard. The results were far below the ideals set by the ambitious "educationists" and educational reformers. The formal schools offer was unequally available, chronically insufficient and often of poor quality. Besides that, it was fraught with structural inertia, which reform requested vast and non-existent resources.
The author points out two possible interpretations of conspicuous refusal of enlighteners to support the educational efforts for the general education of their time. According to one, the Enlightenment's conception of education was different from the educational one, as was "enlightenment" different from "education". Enlighteners were rather widened the gap between the educated and the uneducated, the elite and the common people, the rulers and the people, reasonable warning that its bridging may be accomplished only to the detriment of both. The second interpretation explains that emphasized restraint of the enlighteners toward mass-education was not (so much) visionary, prudent and reflected warning to social costs of compulsory general education – warning which justification witnessed often farcical introduction of such education after the French Revolution – as it was a reflex of epochal, in the first place material and personnel constraints. Having later in mind, its consistent realization must looks to them as a undesirable and practically infeasible perspective. The author suggests that both "conceptual" and "historical" reasons, in an asymmetric and ambiguous interaction, played a role in, at first glance, unexpected articulation of the pronouncedly negative posture of Enlightenment towards the idea of popular education
Politiken des Lebens. Technik, Moral und Recht als institutionelle Gestalten der menschlichen Lebensform
No full textRana konzervativna kritika prosvetiteljstva
No full textNa primerima odnosa prema razumu, tradiciji, organizaciji društva i drugim ključnim momentima neslaganja u članku se izlaže kako je u ranom postrevolucionarnom konzervativizmu kritikovano prosvetiteljstvo i, istovremeno, artikulisano vlastito učenje. Posebna pažnja posvećena je Berkovim i Mestrovim viđenjima ogrešenja filozofije prosvetiteljstva o onu istorijsku i političku misiju za koju su smatrali da njihove nacije i čovečanstvo treba da je ispune. Zaključuje se da je u tom formativnom periodu konzervativizam oblikovao vlastitu doktrinu na odnosu prema prosvetiteljstvu XVIII veka i Francuskoj revoluciji za koju je smatrano odgovornim. Protivprosvetiteljski i antimodernistički motivi te doktrine ostaju njen prepoznatljivi beleg do danas.Analizing its relationship to reason, tradition, social organization and other key moments of disagreement, the article exposes how the early post-revolutionary Conservatism criticizing the Enlightenment and, at the same time, articulate their own learning. Special attention is given to Burke’s and Maistre’s visions of violations of the Enlightenment philosophy on the historical and political mission that they believed their nations and humanity should meet. It is concluded that in this formative period, in relation to the eighteenth-century Enlightenment and the French Revolution, for which the former is held responsible, conservatism formed its own doctrine, Its counter-enlightenment and anti-modernist motives therefore remain distinctive marks of Conservativism to this day