University of Arts in Belgrade
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Recht und Wirklichkeit: Rechtserneuerung im Nationalsozialismus
No full textDie von Deutschen im Nationalsozialismus begangenen Verbrechen wären nicht möglich gewesen ohne die Existenz eines Geflechts von geteilten ethischen Überzeugungen. 'Dichte' Begriffe wie 'Arbeit', 'Volk' oder 'Gemeinschaft' sind Knotenpunkte dieses gedanklichen Gebildes. In den Beiträgen dieses Bandes geht es nicht nur darum, nationalsozialistische Normativität historisch darzustellen. Vielmehr werden auch Vorschläge zur Analyse dieser Begriffe gemacht. Ein wesentlicher Teil dieses Bemühens ist die Untersuchung von Ethiken nationalsozialistisch orientierter Philosophen. Apl. Prof. Dr. Werner Konitzer ist kommissarischer Direktor des Fritz Bauer Instituts. David Palme hat in Marburg und Frankfurt am Main Philosophie und Geschichte studiert; er arbeitet zum Themenbereich Moral und Nationalsozialismus
The Moral Justification of Civic Duties. Co-citizens, Non-citizens and Refugees
No full textIn the first part of the article the concept of associative duties and their justification as distinctive from general moral duties is analyzed. The second part considers associative duties to fellow citizens and distinguishing features of those duties such as reciprocity, mutuality and equal status. In the final part the author deals with specific cases concerning refugees and stresses arguments as to why the associative duties of co-citizens should overcome duties to refugees, as well as the failures of those arguments. It is argued that the status of refugees is different from the status of other non-citizens, such as immigrants, due to the lack of institutional representation and protection
Activism and Capitalism: On the Forms of Engagement
No full textThis short essay aims at providing an outline for a critical reflection
on the notion of activism and to bring to attention the significance for distinguishing
between different forms of engagement in contemporary neoliberal societies.
The article traces the history of the notion of ‘activism’ and argues that it went
hand in hand with the reduction of heterogeneous political activity to immediate
generic action. In order to counter such a reduction, the article relies on the work
of Ellen Meiksins Wood and her critical history of the development of the liberal
conception of citizenship. In conclusion, it will be argued that the conceptual
significance of the notion of capitalism is crucial for distinguishing between different
forms and figures of political activity – from the ‘activist’, ‘active citizen’ and what
Engin Isin termed ‘activist citizenship’
Studiozno kazivanje o značaju Platonovih mitova u njegovoj filosofiji (Osvrt na knjigu Irine Deretić, Platonova filozofska mitologija: Studija o Platonovim mitovima, Zavod za izdava nje udžbenika, Beograd 2014)
No full textInstitucionalna društvena angažovanost
No full textam referring to social engagement as a value-based choice to actively
intervene in social reality in order to modify existing collective identities
and social practices with the goal of realizing the public good. The very term
‘engagement’, necessarily involves the starting awareness of a social deficit or
flaw and presupposes a critical attitude towards social reality. In this article, I will
attempt to provide arguments in favour of the thesis about the possibility (and,
later, necessity) of institutional engagement, critical action and even institutional
protest, basing this view on the thesis that institutions are fundamentally collective
or social agents whose actions must be guided by ethical and epistemic virtues
Nature, civility and eschatology Thomas Hobbes’s progress in three acts
No full textThis paper argues that Thomas Hobbes’s theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sov- ereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove “external violence” as a cause of “the dissolution of a commonwealth” while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the “internal” causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes’s description of the Kingdom of God from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompass- ing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ.Argument ovog rada je da teorija Tomasa Hobsa sadrži ideju progresivnog ukrupnjavanja i ujedinjenja moći koju prati napredovanje ljudskog razuma. Ukoliko je napuštanje prirodnog stanja i potčinjavanje suverenu posledica ljudske prirode, slično bi trebalo da važi i za same suverene, pošto Hobs smatra da oni i dalje žive u prirodnom stanju. Prema tome, odnosi među suverenima trebalo bi takođe da vode do ukrupnjavanja političke vlasti, kako osvajanjem, tako i miroljubivom predajom vlasti. Eventualna potpuna defragmentacija moći može takođe imati i eshatološke posledice, pošto bi objedinjena moć jednog čoveka nad celim svetom uklonila nasilje koje je pretilo od drugih suverena kao razlog raspadanja države, dok bi napredak razuma postepeno uklonio njene unutrašnje nesavršenosti. Ova bi hipotetička situacija mogla povezati Hobsov opis carstva Božjeg iz Levijatana sa njegovom širom političkom teorijom: jedinstveni suvereni predstavnik (sada) besmrtnog i sveobuhvatnog levijatana bi se mogao smatrati Antihristom, što bi najavilo drugi Hristov dolazak
Može li se izbrisati filozofska svest? Metafizički aspekti Serlovog neurobiološko–naturalističkog shvatanja slobode volje
No full textU nastojanju da svoja teorijska shvatanja što više usaglasi sa vladaju- ćom prirodno–naučnom paradigmom, Serl (Searle) razvija gledište koje naziva neurobiološki naturalizam, a koje bi trebalo da se u rešavanju bazičnih filozofskih problema oslanja na osnovne činjenice dobijene neuronaučnim istraživanjima živih organizama. Radom se, u kratkim crtama, daje prikaz ove teorije, a potom izvodi argumentacija u prilog postavljene teze da je Serlovo gledište, zapravo, u određenim aspektima, metafizičkog karaktera, a to je upravo ono što je težio da izbegne. Metafizički karakter Serlovog neurobiološkog naturalizma se sagledava na problemu slobode volje, koji proizlazi iz njegovog shvatanja svesti. Argumentacija se zasniva na analizi pojmova jaza i sopstva, kao i mogućih rešenja problema slobode volje (hipoteza 1 i 2).In an effort to adjust his theoretical comprehension to the existing natural–scientific paradigm, Searle develops neurobiological naturalism, an approach which should rely on basic facts obtained from the neuroscience researches of living organisms when solving basic philosophical problems. This paper briefly presents this view’s theory leading to the argumentation that Searle’s point of view is of metaphysical characteristics which is exactly what he was trying to avoid. The metaphysical character of Searle’s neurobiological naturalism has been seen through the problem of free will resulting from his understanding of consciousness. The argumentation is based on an analysis of the concepts, the gap and the self
Antonio Campillo, Tierra de nadie – cómo pensar (en) la sociedad global, Herder editorial, Barcelona, 2015
No full textMagdalena Bogusławska, Obraz władzy we władzy obrazu. Artystyczne konceptualizacje wizerunku Josipa Broza Tity , Wydział Polonistyki Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego i Wydawnictwo „Libron”, Warszawa – Kraków 2015
No full textHistorisierung, Aufklärung, Genealogie
No full textDas historisierende Denken kennzeichnet sich durch drei Thesen: a) die Vergangenheit war anders als die Gegenwart, b) sie war kontingent, c) trotzdem ist sie gegenwartsrelevant. Die von Nietzsche und Foucault praktizierte genealogische Methode erweist sich als ein brauchbares Mittel, eine historisierende Kritik gewisser Aspekte der Gegenwart in die Wege zu leiten, im Interesse einer undogmatisch verstandenen Aufklärung