University of Arts in Belgrade
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Kitsch and Right Totalitarianism: The Anthropological Foundations of Particular Alliance
No full textPredmet teksta estetički su aspekti desnih totalitarnih ideologija, preciznije funkcija koju unjihovu nastanku i održavanju ima kič kao pseudoumjetnost. Budući da je sklonost k njemu,kako su teoretičari odavno utvrdili, obilježje jedne kompleksne strukture ljudskog doživljavanja i stajališta prema svijetu, autorica istražuje i načine na koji se ona eksploatirala, odnosno kako se njome manipuliralo i u drugim, strogo uzevši neestetskim sferama života
u Njemačkoj i Italiji tridesetih godina proteklog vijeka. Politička simbolika, jezik politike, ponuđeni obrasci političke identifikacije i mobilizacije k projektiranom političkom cilju u centralnom dijelu rada predmet su njezine analize koju provodi iz tog istraživačkog rakursa.
Savezništvo između kiča i totalitarnih političkih režima, zaključuje ona, nije slučajno, nego, naprotiv, zasnovano na zajedničkim i čvrstim antropološkim osnovama.This text deals with aesthetic aspects of right totalitarian ideologies, or more precisely, the
function that kitsch as pseudoart has in their origin and maintenance. As affinity towards kitsch,
which was established by art theoreticians a long time ago, is a characteristic of a complex
structure of human experience and view of the world, the author also explores the ways in
which it was exploited or manipulated in other, strictly speaking non-aesthetic spheres of life
in Germany and Italy of the 1930s. Political symbolism, language of politics, offered forms of
political identification and mobilization towards the projected political goal are the subject of
her analysis in the central part of the text, which analysis is derived from that angle of research.
The author concludes that the alliance between kitsch and totalitarian political regimes is not
accidental, but that it is, on the contrary, founded on common and firm anthropological bases
Vulnerability, infrastructure, and (non)violence: preliminary thoughts on Judith Butler’s Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly
No full textNjegoš and the Politics of Reading
No full textUntil recently, Petar II Petrović Njegoš’s Gorski vijenac (1847) has typically been glorified as one of the greatest achievements of the South Slav national-romanticism, and thus represents the pride of Serbian and Montenegrin culture, in which it still occupies a privileged place in literary tradition and education. In the last twenty or so years, however, a number of its interpreters, such as Еsаd Bајtаl, Michael Sells, Alexander Greenawalt or Brаnimir Аnzulоvić, pinpointed its implicit genocidal subtext and emphasized the parallelism between the eradication of the converts and the Srebrenica massacre. What is more, Njegoš’s Gorski vijenac has relatively recently even been mentioned in the Hague Tribunal for the crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia.
Namely, during the trial of Radovan Karadžić, the prosecutor Katrina Gustafson raised a claim that Njegoš in Gorski vijenac „celebrated the killing of Muslims, that is, converts“ and called for „the purification of our land from the infidels“, i.e. to an ethnic cleansing of the Muslims. (Janković 2014) Most recently, a government proposal to introduce Njegoš’s day as a national holiday in Montenegro has spurred debates and protests from Muslim community, and was swiftly withdrawn. (Kadić 2016)
“From Myth to Territory: Vuk Karadžić, Kosovo Epics and the Role of Nineteenth-Century Intellectuals in Establishing National Narratives”
No full textIn this article, we argue that the nineteenth-century Serbian scholars had a pivotal role
in establishing Kosovo as the crucial subject of Serbian literature, culture, and politics.
By revisiting the formation of the Kosovo epic in the collections of Vuk Karadžić, the
founder of modern Serbian culture, we trace his role in making Kosovo the foundational
myth of the whole Serbian nation from the nineteenth-century surge in Romantic
nationalism onwards. In particular, we scrutinize Karadžić’s editorial procedures as parts
of a process of cultural inscription representing a cultural transformation that made the
Kosovo epic an instance of the invention of national tradition in Eric Hobsbawm’s terms
Mogućnosti i ograničenja angažovanja solidarnosti u građanstvu
No full textIn a broader sense, this article is interested in solidarity as a politically
operational concept. To be able to answer more general questions – like
What does it mean to base a political community on the principles of solidarity? Can
acts of solidarity be used not only to help (support) others, but with the aim to change
power relations and constitute new political orders as well? – we must first situate
solidarity in relation to some already established frameworks of thinking about
the political community. It is within theories and models of citizenship that I want
to situate my exploration of the political value of solidarity in this paper. Firstly,
if we want to go beyond isolated gestures and actions of solidarity, to question
its general capacities for political reordering, we need to firmly anchor it in broad
concepts that capture the ideals and visions of political community. Without a
doubt, citizenship is one such concept. Secondly, there is hardly a theory or approach
to citizenship that does not presuppose some aspects of solidarity as
foundational. Finally, and closely related to the previous point, citizenship and
solidarity, although often conceptually intertwined, form a paradoxical duo, reflecting
further potential paradoxes that may arise from endeavours to engage
solidarity as a political principle. In short, citizenship is a simultaneously inclusive
and exclusive notion, incorporating the idea that some sort of boundary encircles
a body of citizens (most often, but not exclusively, nation-state boundaries),
despite the fact that solidarity loses much of its meaning when expected to
operate and be exercised within certain imposed limits.U ši rem smi slu, ovaj rad se ba vi so li dar no šću kao po li tič ki ope ra tiv nim poj mom.
Ka ko bi smo mo gli da od go vo ri mo na op šti ja pi ta nja, po put: Šta zna či za sno va ti
po li tič ku za jed ni cu na prin ci pi ma so li dar no sti? Mo gu li ak ti so li dar no sti po slu ži ti ne
sa mo kao po moć (podrška) drugima, već i u ci lju pro me ne od no sa mo ći i konstituisanja
no vih politič kih pore daka, is pr va mo ra mo po zi ci o ni ra ti so li dar nost spram ne kih
već eta bli ra nih okvi ra mi šlje nja o po li tič koj za jed ni ci. U ovom ra du raz mo tri ću
po li tič ku vred nost so li dar no sti unu tar raz li či tih te o ri ja i mo de la gra đan tva. Kao
pr vo, uko li ko nas za ni ma so li dar nost iz van izo lo va nih ge sta i ak ci ja, te uko li ko
is pi tu je mo op šti je ka pa ci te te ovog poj ma za pro iz vo đe nje no vih po li tič kih po reda
ka, mo ra mo ga usi dri ti u po sto ja ne, a ipak do volj no ši ro ke kon cep tu al ne okvi re
ko ji sa dr že u se bi pro ble me ide a la i vi zi ja po li tič ke za jed ni ce. Bez sum nje, građan
stvo je je dan ta kav okvir. Uz to, sko ro da i ne ma te o ri je ili si ste mat skog pristu
pa gra đan stvu ko ji ne pod ra zu me va ne ke od aspe ka ta so li dar no sti kao svo je
ele men tar ne po stav ke. Ko nač no, u bli skoj ve zi s pret hod no re če nim, gra đan stvo
i so li dar nost, iako sto je u poj mov noj sve zi, sa či nja va ju pa ra dok sa lan par iz če ga
se mo gu pro iz ve sti i ne ki bu du ći po ten ci jal ni pa ra dok si s ob zi rom na po du hva te
an ga žo va nja so li dar no sti kao po li tič kog prin ci pa. Ukrat ko, gra đan stvo je ujed no
in klu zi van i is klju ču ju ći po jam, ko ji u se bi sa dr ži ide ju gra ni ce ko ja ob u hva ta te lo
gra đan stva (naj če šće, ma da ne is klju či vo, gra ni ce na ci je-dr ža ve), dok so li dar nost
uglav nom gu bi svoj smi sao uko li ko se oče ku je da bu de pri me nji va na unu tar odre
đe nih na met nu tih gra ni ca
Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth - Labor and Republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2015
No full text
Greece returns to the Balkans’? Assessing Greece’s Western Balkan Policy under SYRIZA-led Government
No full textThis paper explores SYRIZA’s foreign policy positions concerning the Western Balkan region — before and after it came to power — and to what extent it has influenced the Greek Balkan policy in general. Also, it looks into the expectations of the SYRIZA-led government among the Western Balkan public and political elites, especially after SYRIZA’s landmark victory in the January 2015 parliamentary elections. The paper argues that the new government coalition in Greece has not demonstrated any major policy shifts compared to the previous Greek governments, trying to continue foreign policy inherited from its predecessors
Internet art and the dispersed public body: Question of "user" as audience
No full textHow discourses of “art audience” intersect with how we relate to the Internet, or at least how we’ve become - users. How is the user defined, and how traditional, albeit even before the Internet, fragmented roles of artists and their audience fit in this new subject position