University of Arts in Belgrade
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Trauma or entertainment? Collective memories of the NATO bombing of Serbia
This article addresses trauma, its absence, and the creation of a collective memory among the contributors to the journal Symposion following the 1999 bombing of Serbia. By examining the group’s e-mails and conducting interviews with some of its members, it ex- plores how their shared narrative patterns constitute a mnemonic community, and asks what are the shared cultural frameworks that create a space for collective remembering within that community. The article argues that past and current politics of memory in Serbia have been built on discourses of a victimized nation and therefore do not recognize the specific ethnic, class or gender positions of individuals as they were during the bombing. Conversely, the national discourse on memorializing the bombing fails to articulate individual experiences and commemorative practices. This article therefore aims to present and analyse some of them
Popularne zablude o organizovanom kriminalu
Tekst se bavi pogrešnim pretpostavkama o organizovanom kriminalu, uključujući pretpostavku da izvršioci organizovanog kriminala lako i nesmetano sarađuju. Autor se takođe bave identitetskim i vrednosnim aspektima kohezije kriminalnih organizacija i načinom na koji se uspostavlja bliskost njihovih članova.Ne postoji slobodan pdf ovog izdanja van štampane knjige
Посланичке групе пријатељства као облик остваривања парламентарне дипломатије Народне скупштине Републике Србије
У раду ћемо истражити нормативни оквир, начине формирања и основне постулате функционисања посланичких група пријатељства у оквиру Народне скупштине Републике Србије. Иако дуго присутан у нашем парламентарном животу, и иако је у последњих неколико сазива формиран значајан број група пријатељства у чијем раду, макар формално, учествује несразмерно велики број посланика, стиче се утисак да овај механизам парламентарне дипломатије често не испуњава своју основну сврху остваривања и побољшања односа са другим парламентима и страним државама. Примарно, тема посланичких група пријатељства и уопште парламентарне дипломатије у Србији је оптерећена оптужбама о ангажману посланика из личног интереса, било да се ради о демонстрацији спољнополитичких преференција зарад материјалне или политичке користи, или да се ради о тзв. „парламентарном туризму“. Иако не можемо судити о личним мотивима чланова парламента, можемо анализирати неколико параметара на основу којих ћемо оценити рад група пријатељства: пре свега, ради се о нормативном оквиру њиховог рада (који ћемо компарирати са карактеристичним парламентима из региона и Европе); квантитативним подацима учешћа у раду посланичких група у оквиру Народне скупштине; и коначно, о резултатима оваквог ангажмана
Individual Morality and the Morality of Institutions
This paper discusses the relationship between moral philosophy and
political philosophy. It holds that political philosophy in some way is part of moral
philosophy as the former deals with the content of moral standards governing
the relations between individuals and institutions. That would be the purpose
of the „morality of institutions“, while the so-called „individual morality“ would
inform the standards applicable to individuals. On the basis of a conception of
individual morality as it relates to contractualism and a discussion of the morality
of institutions that closely follows John Rawls’ theory of justice, the paper addresses
the question of the foundations of the obligation to comply with institution-
defined standards that are directed towards individuals. At the end, it
focuses in particular on the difficulty of rationalizing that obligation in the case
of unjust institutions
Rallying against life as unlivable as a feminist issue: Seminar on Judith Butler’s Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly
Pitanje povodom petog poglavlja knjige Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly u vezi s pravom na okupljanje, državom i anarhističkim intervalom
Three Naive Questions: Addressed to the Modern Educational Optimism
This paper aims to question anew the popular and supposedly self-evident affirmation of education, in its modern incarnation as in its historical notion. The ‘‘naive’’ questions suggest that we have recently taken for granted that education ought to be for the masses, that it ought to be upbringing, and that it is better than ignorance. Drawing on the tradition that calls such an understanding of education into question, the author shows that the hidden costs of disregarding such reflection end up, camouflaged and smuggled, taxing the current debates regarding generally accepted education strategies. The characteristic feeling of the currently accepted model of education being in chronic crisis is less a
testament to an absence of alternative approaches than to a lack of thorough self-reflection
The Ways of Byzantine Philosophy, edited by Mikonja Knežević, Alhambra, California: Sebastian Press 2015.
Deliberative Democracy between Moralism and Realism
U ovom radu ću izložiti debatu između političkih moralista i političkih realista i pokušati da pokažem da je moguće naći srednje rešenje koje istovremeno zadovoljava osnovne zahteve oba pristupa a ne podleže prigovorima koji se upućuju i jednom i drugom stanovištu. U prvom delu izlažem stav koji dele i moralisti i realisti: da je osnovni izazov koji se pred jednu političku teoriju postavlja rešenje problema legitimnosti. Prvo skiciram Rolsov moralistički pristup, da bih potom prešao na realisičke kritike takvog moralizma. Uglavnom ću se držati jedne od najdetaljnije razrađenih novijih teorija – Slitove (Sleat) realističke teorije, mada će biti reči i o drugim sličnim razmatranjima. U drugom delu ukazujem na kritike koje bi se mogle uputiti realistima. One su u mnogome slične onim kritikama koje oni sami upućuju moralistima, a svode se na problem subdeterminacije odnosno nedovoljne određenosti političkog delovanja činjenicama. Kako realisti smatraju da je test održivosti jedne političke teorije njena primenljivost, njihova pozicija je utoliko posebno oslabljena jednom takvom kritikom. U trećem delu rada ukazujem na deliberativnu teoriju, koja može da odgovori i na realističke kritike – jer je svojim velikim delom okrenuta načinu na koji se stvari odvijaju u konkretnom političkom životu konkretnih društava – ali i na kritike upućene samim realistima, jer empirička istraživanja sugerišu konkretan put ka rešenju problema legitimnosti – podizanje kvaliteta deliberacije. Takođe, deliberativna teorija zadržava autonomne etičke vrednosti, iako to, za razliku od moralizma, ne čini narušavajući zahtev za autonomijom politike od etike, ekonomije i drugih disciplina. Stoga, na kraju rada, iznosim tvrdnju da takvu deliberativnu teoriju mogu prihvatiti i realisti i moralisti.The topic of this paper is the debate between political moralists and political realists. I will try to show that it is possible to find the middle ground that simultaneously satisfies the main demands of both camps while resisting objections directed against each. In the first part, I start with the view shared by both moralists and realists: that the main challenge lying before a political theory is solving the problem of legitimacy. I first sketch Rawls’ moralist approach. I then move to outline the realist criticisms of such moralism. I will mainly follow one of the most detailed recent theories – Sleat’s realist theory, although I will also draw from other well-known realists. In the second part, I outline objections against realism. They somewhat similar to the same criticisms they themselves direct against moralists. The main issue is, in short, the problem of underdetermination – that is, the insufficient determination of political action by facts. Since realists hold that a political theory has to be applicable, their view is thus considerably weakened by such criticism. In the third part of the paper, I point to deliberative theory as a view that can answer both realist criticism – because its main aspect is dealing with the way things work in actual politics of concrete societies – but it can also answer criticisms directed against realists themselves, because empirical research of deliberation suggests an actual and viable way to solve the problem of legitimacy – by raising the quality of deliberation. Moreover, a deliberative theory retains autonomy of the ethical, although it doesn’t do that, unlike moralism, by encroaching on the autonomy of politics. Thus, at the end of the paper, I claim that such a deliberative approach can be accepted by both realists and moralists