University of Arts in Belgrade
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Prva svetska UN konferencija o ženama (1975) kao hladnoratovski susret: vraćanje antiimperijalističkim, nesvrstanim i socijalističkim genealogijama
No full textThe essay addresses contemporary discussions on women’s transnationalism
and women’s agency by looking at the first conference of the UN
Decade for Women held in Mexico City in 1975, and at its specific embedding
in Cold War geopolitics. Through an engagement with different feminist and
activists voices, and particularly with the less visible anti-imperialist, Non-Aligned
and socialist genealogies of women’s activism expressed during the meeting, the
essay argues that the paradigm of Western feminist knowledge production needs
to be revisited, in order to encompass multiple forms of women’s political
agency that are not expressed through the liberal framework of women’s individual
autonomy from the state. By juxtaposing Betty Friedan’s and Vida Tomšič’s
stances during the Mexico City event, the paper shows that women’s political
agency during the Cold War era took different forms, which included both the
refusal and the acceptance of women’s activism within existing national and
international institutions.Ovaj ogled se uklju ču je u ak tu el ne ras pra ve o žen skom tran sna ci o na li zmu i mo ći
de lo va nja, raz ma tra ju ći okol no sti u ko ji ma se odr ža la pr va kon fe ren ci ja u okvi ru
UN de ka de že na, odr ža ne u Mek si ko Si ti ju 1975. go di ne, s po seb nim osvr tom na
spe ci fič ni kon tekst hlad no ra tov ske ge o po li ti ke. Oslu šku ju ći raz li či te fe mi ni stič ke i
ak ti vi stič ke gla so ve, s na gla skom na ma nje vi dlji vim an ti im pe ri ja li stič kim, ne svr stanim
i so ci ja li stič kim ge ne a lo gi ja ma žen skog ak ti vi zma, ogled se za la že za pre i spi tiva
nje za pad ne pa ra dig me fe mi ni stič ke pro iz vod nje zna nja. Reč je o po ku ša ju da se
ob u hva te vi še stru ke for me žen ske po li tič ke mo ći de lo va nja, ko je se ne mo gu iz razi
ti li be ral nom kon cep ci jom in di vi du al ne auto no mi je že na od dr ža ve. Po re đe njem
shva ta nja ko ja su to kom kon fe ren ci je iz ne le Be ti Fri dan i Vi da Tom šič, u tek stu se
po ka zu je da je po li tič ka moć de lo va nja že na to kom Hlad nog ra ta ima la raz li či te
for me, ko je su ob u hva ta le i od bi ja nje i pri hva ta nje žen skog ak ti vi zma u po sto je ćim
na ci o nal nim i me đu na rod nim in sti tu ci ja ma
Kako upotreba „kulture“ i „tradicije“ oblikuje diskurs o ženskim pravima u tranzicionoj Srbiji?
No full textAlthough social anthropologists have mostly abandoned the essentialist view of “culture” and “tradition”, these static notions are still frequently used in Serbian public discourse regarding women’s rights. I believe that analysing the production of cultural meaning and knowledge among different social actors and the state is important when exploring the implementation, transformation and protection of women’s rights at a local level. In this article, I shall investigate how “culture” and “tradition” are being constructed and used by certain right wing groups, political leaders, intellectuals and by the Serbian Orthodox Church. On one side, arguments of “culture” and “tradition” are used in order to “preserve the national identity” and save it from “imposed Western norms” and “Western imperialism”, while on the other, they are used to explain the cultural obstacles regarding the effective protection of women’s rights. “Tradition”, often constructed as a linear project of inherited “cultural” and “moral” values and practices, stands in opposition to the EU; therefore, it calls to be nurtured and protected or changed and abandoned. Consequently, I see women rights issues trapped into a pro-EU or against EU, pro-traditional values or pro-liberal values discourse. I conclude that women rights in Serbia are and probably will be affected more by the use and abuse of different concepts of “culture” and “tradition”
Dualizam praktičkog uma i autonomija: Sidžvikov pesimizam i Kantov optimizam
No full textThe question this paper is concerned with is: what if Immanuel Kant found a solution to the problem of the dualism of practical reason before Henry Sidgwick even came to formulate it? A comparison of Sidgwick’s and Kant’s approach to the problem of the dualism of practical reason is presented only in general terms, but the author concludes that this is sufficient for grasping the advantage of Kant’s solution to the problem.U ovom tekstu postavlja se pitanje šta ako je Imanuel Kant rešio problem dualizma praktičkog uma pre nego što je Henri Sidžvik uopšte stigao da ga formuliše? Komparacija između sidžvikovskog i kantovskog pristupa problemu dualizma praktičkog uma ovde se pruža tek u opštim crtama, ali autor zaključuje da je i to dovoljno kako bi se uvidela prednost Kantovog rešenja tog problema
Georg Cavallar, Kant’s Embedded Cosmopolitanism – History, Philosophy and Education for World Citizens, De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2015
No full text
Is Capitalism in Our Genes? Competition, Cooperation and the Idea of Homo Oeconomicus From An Evolutionary Perspective
No full textIn the last few years a growing number of academic disciplines in the Humanities and Social Sciences have turned to the evolutionary approach: Evolutionary Economics, among these disciplines, is a thriving subfield of Economics, which adopts Darwin’s evolutionary ideas and concepts for the understanding of economic system and modes of production. Evolutionary hypotheses such as the „selfish gene“ idea, the ideas of „inclusive fitness“, „struggle for life“ and „survival of the fittest“ may suggest – and have indeed suggested – that humans are rational self-interest individuals, doing what they can to increase their own reproductive chances or at least the chances of their close relatives („inclusive fitness“). To put it differently, evolutionary theory seems to suggest that capitalism (in a broad sense) is a system that has co-evolved with humans and best fits our evolved psychology. Is this the whole story? Is capitalism „in our genes“? In this paper I argue that conclusions such as „we are born to be rational self-interested agents“ or „capitalism is encoded in our genome“ are the result of a misleading application of Darwin’s evolutionary theory to human socio-economic processes, mainly to justify a (Western) society based on selfish principles, but which is not naturally selfish in itself. Evolution seems to be the result of cooperative, not only (or not mainly) competitive processes, and the model of Homo oeconomicus, that is the idea that humans are rational self-interested agents always trying to maximize profit, is, also from an bio-evolutionary perspective, nothing more than a fictional exercise
Sisterhood in dispossession: the case of Serbia and Kosovo
No full textThe paper considers the possibility of establishing and maintaining alternative communities, taking as an example the Women’s Peace Coalition between Kosovo Women Network and the Serbian Women in Black network. The principal question put forward is whether communities that surpass identitarian belonging are possible, and how these communities relate to “communities” determined territorially, nationally (by a nation state), as well as how they relate to artificial and symbolic supranational bodies. The main aim is the examination of the political potential of a community that wishes to be grounded on the logic of peace and the rejection of the logic of possession (following the slogan “people, not territories”). A community of women activists in the shape of the Women’s Peace Coalition is defined as a community of the dispossessed, a term developed following the work of Judith Butler and Athena Athanasiou. This pregnant philosophical concept is introduced in order to offer a new approach to the context of an ambivalent, divided, inoperative state, with long-festering wounds of war