University of Arts in Belgrade
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Kraj kapitalizma i njegova budućnost: Hegel kao osnivač pojma države blagostanja
A key part of Hegel’s practical philosophy is his theory of civil society
and the idea of a rational regulation of the market. This is the foundation of
Hegel’s theory of a social state. The copyright on the notion of a modern society
of freedom and a rational, social state belongs to Hegel. Hegel proves himself
to be the thinker who until now has provided the most convincing foundation
for freedom in modernity.
The theoretical foundation and at the same time bone of contention of Hegel’s
political thought is to be found in his concept of ethical life (Sittlichkeit), in particular in his theory of civil society. The current shipwreck of deregulated capitalism does not mean the foundering of our journey towards a free society. Nevertheless the deficiencies and unsustainability of both traditional models –
socialist collective ownership and market fundamentalism – exhibit two contradictory claims to a share of the wealth of nations. To take up Hegel’s project is, in essence, to aim at a new conception of an environmentally and socially sustainable and just society, and a corresponding world order. It is to further Hegel’s philosophy of freedom.Ključni deo Hegelove praktične filozofije je njegova teorija građanskog društva
i ideja racionalne regulacije tržišta. To je temelj Hegelove teorije socijalne države. On je idejni tvorac modernog društva slobode i racionalne, socijalne države.
Pokazalo se da je Hegel mislilac koji je do sad na najuverljiviji način postavio temelj slobodi u modernom dobu.
Teorijski temelj i istovremeno sporono mesto Hegelove političke misli se može
pronaći u njegovom pojmu etičkog života (Sittlichkeit), posebno u njegovoj teoriji
građanskog društva. Trenutni brodolom deregulisanog kapitalizma ne označava
i potapanje našeg puta ka slobodnom društvu. Bez obzira, nedostaci i neodrživost oba tradicionalna modela – socijalističkog kolektivnog vlasništva i tržišnog
fundamentalizma – izražavaju dva protivrečna zahteva za raspodelom bogatstva
nacija. Nastaviti Hegelov projekat je, u suštini, težnja ka novoj ideji ekološki i socijalno održivog i pravednog društva, kao i odgovarajućeg svetskog poretka. To
znači unaprediti Hegelovu filozofiju slobode
Socijalna pravda i formalni princip slobode
Cilj ovog teksta je da pokaže, nasuprot desno-libertarijanskoj kritici socijalne
pravde, da postoje dobri razlozi za odbranu politika socijalne pravde unutar slobodnog društva. U prvom delu rada, predstavićemo dve uticajne desno-libertarijanske kritike socijalne pravde, izložene u knjigama Pravo, zakonodavstvo i sloboda Fridriha Hajeka i Anarhija, država i utopija
Roberta Nozika. Na osnovu njihovog pristupa, politike socijalne pravde vide se kao neopravdana povreda slobode pojedinačnih članova društva. U odgovoru na ovu kritiku, uvešćemo distinkciju između formalne i faktičke slobode i tvrdićemo da formalni princip slobode koji brane Hajek i Nozik nije dovoljan za zaštitu faktičke slobode članova društva, jer
ne prepoznaje (1) moralnu obligaciju da se pomogne onima kojima, bez njihove krivice, u velikoj meri nedostaje faktička sloboda, i (2) pravnu obligaciju države da zaštiti građansko dostojanstvo svih članova društva. U drugom delu teksta, nudimo interpretaciju Kantovog argumenta o porezima, prema kom građansko dostojanstvo pretpostavlja faktičku slobodu, da bismo tvrdili da Kantovo opravdanje poreza daje dobre razloge da se tvrdi da država ima pravnu obligaciju da
zaštiti faktičku slobodu politikama socijalne pravde
Acting together: the art of collective improvisation in theatre and politics
The paper analyzes the concept of collective improvisation and draws out its potentials for social and political theory. Translating the ideas of collective improvisation from their original context in the theatre into the field of political thought, I argue that they offer a new understanding of political action by re-evaluating the concepts of dissensus (Rancière) and community (Nancy), as well as the ways in which politics as a system needs to produce collectively binding decisions (Luhmann). I conclude that the ideas inherent in the practice of collec-tive improvisation, as it has been developed within the tradition of modern theatre improvisation, subvert our intuitive ways of thinking about politics and thereby offer an alternative model of being and acting together.Rad analizira pojam kolektivne improvizacije i mogućnosti njegove primene na društvenu i političku teoriju. Tvrdim da nam prevođenje ideja o kolektivnoj im-provizaciji, iz njihovog izvornog pozorišnog konteksta u polje političke misli, otva-ra nova razumevanja političkog delovanja, preosmišljavanjem pojmova neslaga-nja (dissensus) (Ransijer), zajednice (Nansi), i politike kao sistema kolektivno obavezujućih odluka (Luman). U zaključku tvrdim da nam ideje inherentne prak-si kolektivne improvizacije – kako je razvijana u tradiciji moderne pozorišne im-provizacije – podrivaju intuitivno mišljenje o politici i time pružaju alternativni model za zajedničko bivanje i delanje
‘If you are a girl, stay at home’ – an ethnographic examination of female social engagement from the rural 19th century to contemporary political protests in Macedonia
Balkan history has been presented, in gender terms, as a history of oppressed women, stark patriarchy and male domination. This narrative has rarely been questioned, its echoes still lingering in the corridors of those disci-plines that helped its creation and promotion. Being one of them, ethnology can, and should play a central role in the deconstruction of the role of women in the so-called traditional cultures, thus establishing a potential continuity between their past and their present struggles.Istorija Balkana nam se predstavlja, kad su rodni odnosi u pitanju, kao istorija potlačenih žena, potpune patrijarhije i muške dominacije. Ovaj narativ se retko propitivao, te i dalje odjekuje u hodnicima onih disciplina koje su pomogle nje-govom uobličavanju i promovisanju. Budući jedna od tih disciplina, etnologija može i treba da igra glavnu ulogu u dekonstrukciji shvatanja položaja žena u tzv. tradicionalnim kulturama, te da uspostavi mogući kontinuitet između prošlih i sadašnjih borbi za ženska prava
Pigface Masters of the Universe: Whether it is the Greed to Blame for the Financial Crisis?
First part of the paper presents and analyzes some of the main arguments, which support the popular belief that greed is to blame for the 2008 financial crisis.The second part lists the counter-arguments that challenge this position in two ways: one set of arguments claims that greed is either not the main and single factor, or that is not the culprit at all; the second set, on the other hand, states that the scope of its influence is undermined and underrepresented, as well as that it is not considered in its ‘structural’ but only individual dimension. The final part of the paper presents a specific socio-psychological approach that could elucidate the extent to which unregulated greed could cause economic breakdowns. In addition, this approach attempts to question and operationally thematise implicit laws of modern capitalism with regard to both the recurring ups and downs that characterize it and the contradictory understanding and reception of the concept of acquisition, upon which it tend to built society