University of Arts in Belgrade
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Protiv deflacije subjekta iskustva
Argumentovaću da teorije subjektivnosti i prereflektivne samosvesti mogu biti
od koristi onima koji zastupaju panpsihizam u boljem razumevanju prirode subjekata iskustva, a posredno, i pri rešavanju problema kombinacije. Na problem
kombinacije subjekata, koji se stavlja pred panpsihistu, obično se odgovara “deflacijom”, subjekt se eliminiše ili svodi na sama iskustva. Mnoge moderne panpsihističke teorije su deflacionističke i zauzimaju reduktivno stanovište prema subjektivnosti. Značaj prereflektivne samosvesti, kao aspekta svesti, nije dovoljno
priznat od strane panpsihista. Teorije sopstva, inspirisane fenomenologijom, koje
brane postojanje subjektivnog aspekta svesti, mogu biti od značaja u argumentaciji protiv mogućnosti redukcije subjekata iskustva. Pokazaću kako fenomenologija subjektivnog karaktera svesti i prereflektivne samosvesti doprinosi debati o problem kombinacije subjekata u panpsihizmu
Nebojša Grubor, Kant i zasnivanje moderne estetike: o osećaju prosuđivanja svrhovite forme lepog predmeta
Time and Eternity in the Theology of Icons
Volume is published as a supplement of ‘Altarul Reîntregirii’ Journa
Constructing and Destructing the Ethnic: Discourses of Ethnicity among Hungarian Youth in Vojvodina
Potencijal muzike i zvuka kao živuća praksa (Ana Hofman. Novi život partizanskih pesama”. Beograd: Biblioteka XX vek, 2016, 210 str.)
Tekst predstavlja prikaz knjige dr Anel Hofman pod nazivom "Novi život partizanskih pesama"
Politika sećanja, istorijski revizionizam i negacionizam u postsocijalističkoj Srbiji
This paper explores the phenomenon of revisionism in historiography, while focusing in particular on illegitimate revisionism and negationism. It is indisputably true that historiography must be subject to constant revisions. Like all scientific theories, it needs to be characterized by a sort of “conservative” openness towards new ideas; however, revisions and negations are often put forward without scientific grounding. They reject the well-established historiographical methods, while opening themselves to various kinds of ideologies, biases and manipulations. The paper further offers a synthesized overview of the revisionist practice in dominant parts of the society and historiography in post-communist Serbia. The change in the ideological paradigm that occurred in the 1980s was accompanied by a politically motivated reinterpretation of the past, which primarily focused on World War II in Yugoslavia. In Serbia in the 1990s, Tito’s Partisans were no longer celebrated as national heroes and fighters against fascism; they were replaced by the royalist and nationalist Chetniks led by Draža Mihailović, whose collaboration with the occupying forces was purposefully glossed over. The nationalist interpretation of history and the new revisionist politics in Serbia were supported by the state and the activities of its three branches: legislative, executive and judicial. In spite of the political changes that took place in Serbia in 2000, the dominant nationalist matrix in historical interpretations and revisionist politics remained unchanged.Polazeći od distinkcije između nauke i pseudonauke, rad se bavi pojavama revi-zionizma u naučnoj istoriografiji sa posebnim akcentom na pojave nelegitimnog revizionizma i negacionizma. Iako nije sporno da istoriografija mora da bude pod-ložna konstantnim revizijama, jer kao i svaka naučna teorija mora da ima neku vrstu konzervativne otvorenosti prema novim idejama, česte su pojave nenauč-nih revizija i negacionističkog pristupa. Ove pojave odbacuju utvrđene istorio-grafske metode uz otvaranje prema različitim vrstama pristrasnosti i manipula-cije. U radu se dalje daje sintetizovan pregled revizionističke prakse u dominantnim delovima društva i istoriografije u postkomunističkoj Srbiji. Promena ideološke paradigme krajem osamdesetih godina prošlog veka donela je i politički motivi-sanu reinterpretaciju, pre svega, Drugog svetskog rata na jugoslvoenskom pro-storu. Umesto dotadašnjih Titovih partizana u Srbiji u poslednjoj deceniji 20. veka rojalistički i nacionalistički četnici Draže Mihailovića bivaju proglašeni za nacionalne heroje i borce protiv fašizma, dok se njihova kolaboracija prećutkuje. Nacionalističko tumačenje istorije i nova revizionistička politika u Srbiji uživala je podršku države kroz delatnost sve tri grane vlasti: zakonodavne, izvršne i sud-ske. Uprkos političkim promenama u Srbiji 2000. dominantna nacionalistička matrica u istorijskim interpretacijama i politici revizionizma, nije promenjena
Philosophical fantasy: thinking utopian spaces and the space for utopian thought
U tekstu se polazi od pitanja zbog čega se zamišljaju drugi svetovi. Pored motiva za zamišljanje, pažnja se posvećuje samom procesu zamišljanja, resursima i asocijativnim sklopovima koji su dostupni zamišljanju u izgradnji svetova koji se od našeg razlikuju. „Druge svetove“ određujemo i kao utopiju i kao prostor fantazije, rukovodeći se hipotezom da taj prostor nikada nije u potpunosti slobodan. Poseban naglasak stavljamo na prostor i vreme utopije, kao i na dimenziju novog. Tekst je podeljen u četiri celine, od kojih se prva bavi motivom za fantaziju; druga razmatra moć mašte i ograničenja zamišljanja; treća u svom središtu ima „cenu“ fantazije, potiranje složenosti postojećeg
sveta. U četvrtom se delu razmatra značaj utopijskog mišljenja za društvenu teoriju.The main question of this article is why imagine other worlds. In addition to shedding light on the motivation, we also examine the imaginative processes, their resources and the associative arrangements available to imagination in the construction of new worlds. We see ‘other worlds’ as both utopian and as fantastic spaces, following the hypothesis that the space of fantasy is never entirely free. We place particular emphasis on the space and time of utopia, and on the aspect of the novelty. The paper is divided into four parts. The first takes into account the path to the other world, or the methodical problem of imagination. The second wants to portray the other world, or the limitations to imagining something entirely different and new. The third part inquires about the cost of utopian thinking: what is lost in the process, what is sacrificed to its flattening gestures? Finally, despite all these limitations, in the fourth part we consider the significance of utopian thought for social theory
Udruživanje, svojina i teritorija: o čemu govorimo kada govorimo o imigraciji?
It is often claimed that states have territorial rights, and that these rights include the right to exclude people who seek admission to their territory. In this paper I will examine whether the most defensible account of territorial rights can provide support to the right to exclude. I will discuss three types of theories of territorial rights. The first account links the right of states to exclude to the prior right of individuals to freedom of association, which is said to include the right not to associate and to dissociate. The second is a Lockean theory that grounds the territorial rights of states, and hence their right to exclude, in the prior right of individuals to private property in the land that constitutes the territory of the state. I argue that these accounts have independently implausible implications, regardless of their implications for the immigration debate. The third account is a Kantian theory that bases the territorial jurisdiction of states on individuals’ duty to create, sustain and submit themselves to a shared system of law that is a necessary condition of guaranteeing their rights and of discharging their duties towards one another. I will argue that the Kantian account is superior to its current alternatives. However, I also suggest that it cannot ground a broad right to exclude.Često se tvrdi da države imaju teritorijalna prava, odnosno da ta prava podrazumevaju
i pravo na isključivanje ljudi koji bi želeli da budu primljeni u teritorije pojedinih država. U ovom članku ćemo proučavati pitanje da li najviše odbranjiva teza o teritorijalnim pravima može da pruži podršku isključivanju. Analiziraću tri tipa teorije o teritorijalnim pravima. Prva teorija povezuje pravo država na isključivanje sa osnovnijem pravom pojedinica na udruživanje. Druga teorija je lokovska
teorija u kojoj se teritorijalna prava država, uključujući pravo na isključivanje, baziraju na osnovnijem pravu pojedinaca na privatnu svojinu na zemlji koja konstituiše teritoriju države. Tvrdim da ove teorije imaju posledice koje nisu plauzibilne, bez obzira na njihove implikacije u odnosu na rasprave o imigraciji. Treća teorija je kantijanska teorija koja se zasniva na teritorijalnoj jurisdikciji država, imajući u vidu obaveze pojedinaca u stvaranju i održavanju pravnog sistema koji
je nužni uslov u garantovanju njihovih prava, odnosno u pogledu izvršavanja njihovih
obaveza. Moja teza je da je kantijanska teorija superiorna u odnosu na njene alternative, zatim da se pomoću nje ne može zasnivati šire pravo na isključivanje
Deforestation of the Principality of Serbia, 1830-1878: Overview
The goal of this article is to trace the appearance of a pattern of forest mismanagement from the beginnings
of modern Serbian state in the 19th century. The article will demonstrate that rapid demographic
growth, accompanied by the expansion of arable land due to a gradual transition from animal husbandry
to agriculture as the dominant form of economy, led to a vigorous increase in the process of deforestation
in the period spanning from the attainment of autonomy (1830) to the wars against the Ottoman Empire
(1876-1878). Supremacy of agriculture in the beginning of the 1870s was achieved at the expense of forests,
because the increase in agricultural yields in the peasant existential economy, which was characterized
by underdeveloped agricultural techniques, meant a continuous expansion of arable land. The example
of the Principality of Serbia confirms that in agrarian economies competition between the usufruct of
the forest and its potential as agricultural land regularly ends with the removal of the forest
Society and identity: globalization and fragmentation
Ovaj rad prikazuje i diskutuje teorijsku zebnju koja se javila unazad četvrt veka, sa
tematizacijom i problematizacijom društvenog identiteta. Ukazujući da pojmovi zapadaju
u „krizu identiteta“ onda kada izrone iz svoje belodanosti, autor iskušava kako je ta sudbina zatekla i sam koncept „identiteta“ i izlaže tumačenja društvenih teoretičara takve njegove situacije. Posle izlaganja danas dominirajuće vizije istorije ideja da vlastiti i društveni „identitet“, u smislu u kojem ga danas razumevamo nije postojao u premodernim društvima, da je moderna njegov zavičaj, te da se sa „postmodernim stanjem“ zbiva ili njegov suton ili ozbiljni preobražaj, da ako i nije odbačen, jeste zamenjen multikodiranim, „fragmentiranim“ ili „pluralnim“ identitetima, sugeriše se da ipak nije reč o
nekoj posebnoj epohalnoj promeni, već o još jednoj temeljnoj transformaciji društvenih struktura, koje su i u prošlosti proizvodile onu prepoznatljivu nelagodnost i nesigurnost u pogledu prepoznavanja pripadnosti i misije, investiranja uloga i preuzimanja uloga u svetu čiji se oslonci više ne podrazumevaju.This paper aims to present and discuss theoretical apprehension that occurred nearly
a quarter of a century ago, with the thematization and problematization of social identity.
Pointing out that the terms fall into “identity crisis” when emerge from their self-evidences,
the author testing how the same fate encountered the very concept of “identity” and
presents contemporary social theorists’ interpretations of such a situation, at the same
time testifying the landmarks of self-understanding of modernity. After exploring dominant
current vision of the history of ideas – that self- and social-identity does not existed
in Pre-Modern societies in the sense we understand it today, that Modern is its only
homeland, and that with the “postmodern condition” occurs either its dusk or its serious
transformation, that even if it is not completely rejected, it is replaced with multi-coded,
“ fragmented” or “plural” identities – the conclusion suggests the possibility that maybe it
is not about any particular epochal change and privilege or a curse to live in it, but about
yet another fundamental transformation of social structures, transformation which is not
unknown in the past and transformation that today, as always, produces distinct unease,
uncertainty, risk, volatility, in terms of recognition of belonging and self-mission, life
investment and role taking, in the world whose supports are no longer taken for granted.[http://www.megatrendreview.naisbitt.edu.rs/files/pdf/SR/Megatrend_Revija_Vol_14_3_2017_web.pdf